THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 


2 

THE  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK 


EDITED  BY  THE  FACULTY  OF  POLITICAL  SCIENCE  Of 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 

Volume  XXI]  [Number  2 


THE 

SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK 


BY 

THOMAS  JESSE  JONES,  B.D.,Ph.D. 
/" 

Sometime  University  Fellow  in  Sociology 
Head  of  Department  of  Sociology  and  History,  Hampton  Institute 


THE  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY,  AGENTS 

LONDON  :  P.  S.  KING  &  SON 

1904 


COPYRIGHT,  1904, 

BY 
THOMAS  JESSE  JONES 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 
NATURE  AND  METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION ...       7 

CHAPTER  II 
THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION 17 

CHAPTER  III 
LIKE  BEHAVIOR .     28 

CHAPTER  IV 
MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT 41 

CHAPTER  V 
APPRECIATION Oi 

CHAPTER  VI 
TYPMS . 75 

V^  CHAPTER  VII 

PRACTICAL  RESEMBLANCES *  « 94 

CHAPTER  VIII 
CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND §8 

CHAPTER  IX 
CONCERTED  VOLITION 108 

CHAPTER  X 
?  •  • 
SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 113 

CHAPTER  XI 

SOCIAL  WELFARE 121 

5 


CHAPTER  I 
NATURE  AND  METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION 

IT  is  a  commonplace  to  say  that  one  can  never  be  so 
lonely  as  in  a  great  city.  Something-  akin  to  this  is  the 

.total  ignorance  of  most  of  us  as  to  the  real  character  of 
the  people  swarming  in  our  tenements.  Truly  they  are  an 
unknown  quantity.  Even  the  missionary,  the  pastor,  and 
the  settlement- worker  have  but  an  inadequate  and  erroneous 
idea  of  the  peoples  about  them.  Churches  and  settlements 
are  too  much  attended  by  those  who  are  over-anxious  to  be 
helped.  So  true  is  this  that  the  ideas  of  the  systematic  and 
independent  visitor  are  often  diametrically  opposed  to  those 
held  by  churches  and  settlements.  The  writer  has  at  differ- 
ent times  been  engaged  as  a  visitor  for  a  church,  for  a  settle- 
ment, and  for  an  organization  that  searched  independently 
for  facts  concerning  life  in  the  tenement  districts,  and  he  has 

•found  that  the  information  gained  in  the  first  two  instances 
too  often  contradicted  that  gained  in  the  third,  while  he 
had  every  reason  to  believe  that  facts  gained  in  the  third 
were  true.  It  is  these  erroneous  results  based  upon  a  study 

.of  a  people  more  or  less  pauperized  by  churches  and  social 

,  settlements  that  give  rise  to  so  much  pessimism  in  the  esti- 
mate of  the  tenement  situation.  It  is  the  same  cause  that 
leads  religious  and  philanthropic  workers  to  proceed  on 
wrong  principles  in  their  attempt  to  change  the  situation. 
The  investigations  hitherto  carried  on  have  been  largely 

.ineffective,  owing  to  a  lack  of  unity  of  conception  in  regard 

to  the  matters  to  be  learned.    Aside  from  the  fact  that  visi- 

263]  7 


g  SOCIOLOGY  OP  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [264 

tation  has  not  been  systematic,  and  that  it  has  not  been 
based  upon  a  study  of  every  family  in  any  district  under 
investigation,  the  information  sought  has  not  been  correl- 
ated with  any  general  aim  to  give  unity  to  the  whole  or  to 
make  it  in  any  sense  a  complete  study  of  the  family  or 
other  unit  selected. 

The  primary  aim  of  the  present  study  is  distinctly  socio- 
logical. Such  a  study  in  the  present  instance  has  value 
apart  from  the  concrete  results  obtained  by  the  investigator. 
It  is  an  attempt  to  study  a  New  York  City  street  according 
to  a  complete  system  of  social  principles.  Even  if  the  sys- 
tem were  proved  to  be  arbitrary,  the  work  would  be  more 
valuable,  the  writer  believes,  than  an  unsystematic  attempt, 
however  long  continued,  for  the  reason  that  the  investigator 
has  a  basis  for  search  and  an  order  for  arranging  in  his 
mind  the  innumerable  impressions  made  by  the  unit  con- 
sidered. Without  a  system  the  study  of  a  people  is  but  a 
wild-goose  chase,  and  this,  indeed,  is  the  nature  of  too  many 
of  the  so-called  sociological  investigations  now  carried  on. 
Read  the  results  of  these  investigations  and  you  feel  that 
you  have  been  through  a  mine  more  or  less  rich  in  infor- 
mation. You  are  possibly  stirred  to  pity  or  to  blame  by 
the  conditions  described,  and  you  may  give  your  help  ac- 
cordingly; but  when  this  task  is  accomplished  the  outcome 
of  the  investigation  is  simply  a  conglomerate  mass  of  facts, 
practically  useless  for  the  future.  According  to  the  system 
used  in  this  dissertation  we  shall  gather  facts  which  may 
be  expected  to  substantiate  or  to  overthrow  certain  theories 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  well-known  social  forces  work 
themselves  out.  Thus  we  may  hope  for  results  of  perma- 
nent scientific  value. 

Further,  it  is  hoped  that  this  particular  study  has  scien- 
tific value  because  of  the  conditions  under  which  the  people 
are  living  in  the  street  under  consideration.  The  most  im- 


265]     NATURE  AND  METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION  g 

portant  of  these  conditions  is  the  extensive  mingling1  of 
different  nationalities  within  a  small  area.  This  mingling 
is  all  the  more  interesting  as  it  illustrates  the  chief  conflict 
between  the  two  peoples  now  presenting  the  most  difficult 
problems  of  tenement  life  in  New  York  City.  I  refer  to 
the  conflict  between  the  Jews  and  the  Italians.  This  con- 
flict is  rich  in  sociological  significance  because  these  two 
peoples  are  so  different  in  their  characteristics.  How  will 
the  conflict  end?  Will  its  result  be  similar  to  that  of  the 
conflict  between  the  Irish  and  the  Germans?  The  relation 
of  these  to  other  ethnic  elements  is  also  a  matter  to  be 
carefully  discussed.  There  are  other  races  or  nationalities 
in  small  numbers,  as  the  Bohemian,  the  Greek,  the  Amer- 
ican, and  finally  the  negro,  and  the  influence  of  the  different 
elements  of  the  mixed  population  upon  one  another  is  re- 
flected in  their  customs. 

The  chief  basis  for  the  classification  of  these  nationalities 
has  been  the  mass  of  observations  made  in  three  system- 
atic visitations  of  all  the  families.  The  first  of  these  was 
made  in  the  fall  of  1897,  the  second  in  the  fall  of  1899, 
and  the  third  in  19001901.  Since  then  the  street  has  been 
irregularly  observed  and  studied,  and  interesting  facts  have 
thus  been  gathered  that  could  not  be  obtained  at  the  time 
of  the  regular  visitations. 

As  a  secondary  basis,  the  experience  and  knowledge  de- 
rived from  a  similar  visitation  of  some  thousands  of  people 
in  other  parts  of  the  city  have  been  used.  To  these  have 
been  added  the  experiences  of  many  other  persons  in  their 
dealings  with  tenement-house  populations.  In  thus  using 
previous  knowledge  as  a  secondary  source  of  information 
care  has  been  exercised  that  no  preconceived  characteristics 
be  ascribed  to  the  people.  The  facts  learned  through  the 
visitation  were  made  a  determining  element  in  the  classifi- 
cation of  each  family.  But  the  secondary  sources  were  in- 


10          SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YQRK  CITY  BLOCK       [266 

valuable  for  critical  analysis.  A  previous  knowledge  of  the 
people  is  necessary  to  accuracy  in  studying  their  mind  and 
character.  Without  it  the  investigator  is  at  a  loss  as  to 
.the  manner  of  approach,  the  nature  of  the  questions  to  ask, 
and  the  type  to  expect.  At  the  same  time  such  knowledge 
may  become  a  source  of  error  if  it  is  carelessly  permitted 
to  prejudice  the  mind  of  the  student.  A  detailed  statement 
of  the  sources  and  of  the  method  of  work  used  in  the 
present  instance  will  throw  more  light  on  the  subject  than 
an  extended  discussion. 

This  investigation  was  made  on  Saturday  mornings,  and 
a  day  or  two  of  the  following  week  was  used  to  classify  the 
results.  Not  more  than  twenty  families  were  visited  in  a 
day,  so  as  not  to  overburden  the  mind  with  facts.  Pro- 
vided with  the  blanks  used  by  the  Federation  of  Churches 
the  investigator  knocked  at  the  door  of  a  tenement.  Gen- 
erally a  voice  from  within  would  call  out,  "  Come  in." 
Quite  often  the  voice  would  ask,  "  What  do  you  want  ?" 
And  the  visitor  would  answer,  "  I  want  to  know  how  many 
persons  are  in  this  family,"  or  in  more  difficult  cases  the 
answer  was,  "I  am  taking  a  sociological  census,"  with  em- 
phasis on  the  last  word.  The  door  opened  in  all  but  one 
case  out  of  the  two  hundred  and  eleven.  These  people  are 
visited  by  so  many  officers  and  agents  that  they  have  grown 
indifferent  to  all  investigations.  They  take  them  as  a  matter 
of  course.  But  this  investigation  was  a  surprise  to  them, 
and  many*  were  curious  about  it.  The  curiosity  was  soon 
lost,  in  the  great  majority  of  cases,  in  the  friendly  relations 
that  arose  between  the  visitor  and  the  family.  It  was  the 
studied  endeavor  of  the  visitor  to  accomplish  this.  From 
the  Hebrews  a  hearty  welcome  was  gained  by  ability  to 
pronounce  the  Talmud  in  the  original.  The  visitor's  cor- 
rupt German  and  dark  complexion  were  often  taken  by  the 
Jew  as  a  guarantee  that  he  was  of  their  race.  The  Italians 


267]     -NATURE  AND  METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION          TI 

.were  hardest  to  win.  But  friendliness  was  sometimes  estab- 
lished here  also  by  the  similarity  of  the  appearance  of  the 
visitor  to  the  Italian  type.  In  one  instance  he  was  asked 
if  he  was  an  Italian  priest.  But  usually  the  Italians  were 
won  in  a  general  conversation  about  some  subject  sug- 
gested at  the  time,  very  often  by  the  children.  There  was 
no, difficulty  with  the  Irish,  because  the  visitor  could  claim 
to  be  a  brother  Celt.  Besides,  the  Irish  do  not  care  who 
knows  about  them.  They  fear  no  one.  A  knowledge  of 
the  German  language  and  an  admiration  for  the  German 
character  were  sufficient  bases  for  friendship  with  the  Ger- 
mans. 

Better  to  show  the  process  of  investigation,  the  general 
knowledge  obtained,  and  the  grounds  of  classification,  let 
us  take  a  particular  family.  For  this  purpose  number  18 
will  serve  as  a  good  example.  The  name  is  Cohen.  The 
family  consists  of  father,  mother,  two  children,  aged  two 
and  six,  and  a  mother-in-law.  This  Hebrew  family  has 

lived  in  No.  —  East street  about  two  months.  The 

,yisit  to  them  having  been  made  on  a  Saturday  morning, 
all  were  at  home  except  the  husband.  We  were  soon  on 
.friendly  terms  and  conversing  about  many  things. 

The  husband  was  a  tailor  and  had  been  born  in  New 
York  City.  Mrs.  Cohen  was  born  in  England.  Mrs.  P., 
the  wife's  mother,  was  born  in  Russia,  but  had  married  a 
Jew  in  Portugal,  hence  the  Portuguese  name.  From  Por- 
tugal Mrs.  P.  and  her  family  had  moved  to  England,  and 
afterwards  to  America  with  a  number  of  children,  who  are 
now  well  situated,  one  daughter  being  married  to  a  fairly 
well-to-do  Jew  and  living  comfortably  on  Long  Island. 
These  facts  were  learned  in  a  conversation  about  a  number 
of  interesting  topics.  Speaking  of  the  progress  of  the 
Hebrew  people,  the  daughter  and  mother,  supplementing 
tsach  other,  told  of  the  well-known  movement  upward  from 


12  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [268 

the  lower  to  the  upper  East  Side,  where  they  now  are,  and 
then  to  the  West  Side. 

The  visitor  then  introduced  the  subject  of  the  morality 
of  the  Hebrew  people  as  compared  with  that  of  others,  and 
the  mother  gave  some  of  her  observations.  In  general  she 
thought  the  Irish  very  thriftless  and  careless,  spending  much 
of  their  money  in  drink;  but  she  had  known  a  number  of 
instances  in  which  some  of  the  children  had  grown  up  to 
be  fine  men  and  women.  One  instance  she  thought  espec- 
ially remarkable.  It  was  that  of  the  son  of  Irish  parents. 
The  latter  drank  and  wasted  all  their  money,  while  the  boy 
grew  up  to  hate  drink. 

On  the  subject  of  religion  the  conversation  was  particu- 
larly interesting.  The  mother  said  that  she  observed  the 
ceremonies  of  her  religion,  and  tried  to  observe  Saturday 
as  the  holy  day.  The  daughter  said  that  she  no  longer 
cared  for  Jewish  customs;  that  she  ate  what  she  wanted, 
and  was  checked  only  by  her  mother's  wishes.  Then  she 
asked :  "  Do  you  think  that  I  look  like  a  Jew  ?"  adding : 
"  My  little  girl  here  is  not  anything  like  a  Jew."  It  was 
true  that  there  seemed  to  be  a  gradual  departure  from  the 
Jewish  type  from  grandmother  to  granddaughter.  This 
may  have  been  due  partly  to  the  fact  that  the  types  are  more 
marked  with  increasing  age.  But  this  was  not  entirely  so. 
It  is  partly  due  to  Americanization;  whether  also  through 
intermarriage  on  the  father's  side  or  through  some  other 
cause  is  unknown.  Mrs.  P.  told  how  her  landlord  was 
accustomed  to  come  to  her  store  and  curse  the  Jews,  little 
thinking  that  she  was  a  Jewess,  until  one  day  he  found  her 
store  closed  on  a  Jewish  holiday.  The  mother  and  daugh- 
ter seemed  to  take  pride  in  the  absence  of  Jewish  character- 
istics in  their  features. 

These  matters  have  been  recounted  to  show  the  sort  of 
material  upon  which  the  classifications  of  this  investigation 


269]      NATURE  AND  METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION          t$ 

have  been  based.  It  is  readily  seen  that  a  great  many  facts 
were  to  be  obtained.  Let  us  notice  where  these  facts  put 
family  number  18  in  a  scheme  of  mental  and  moral  types. 

Motor  Reactions.  A  family  that  observes  the  develop- 
ment of  races  and  their  different  characteristics  is  not  likely 
to  be  either  impulsive  or  credulous.  That  this  family  is 
not  impulsive  is  further  shown  by  the  self-restraint  of  the 
mother  on  the  occasion,  mentioned  above,  when  the  land- 
lord abused  her  people. 

Type  of  Intellect.  That  this  family  has  left  the  cred- 
ulous stage,  as  far  at  least  as  the  upper  intellectual  classes 
have  left  it,  is  shown  by  the  daughter's  attitude  toward  the 
Hebrew  customs,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  mother's  in- 
fluence was  still  present  in  their  favor. 

Two  important  questions,  however,  arise  at  this  point. 
Was  the  mother-in-law  shown  to  be  credulous  by  her  belief 
in  her  customs?  If  so,  how  should  a  family  be  classified 
in  which  we  find  both  the  credulous  and  the  critical?  The 
rule  followed  has  been  to  state  the  prevailing  type  and  the 
one  likely  to  grow  stronger.  In  this  case  it  was  not  an 
uncertain  inference  from  the  wife's  position  that  her  hus- 
band held  the  same  view  and  that  both  rejected  the  tradi- 
tions of  their  parents.  So  to  the  first  question,  that  con- 
cerning the  credulity  of  the  mother,  it  may  be  said  that  in 
this  one  matter  she  was  credulous,  but  that  her  observation 
on  the  general  trend  of  affairs  would  lead  one  to  put  her 
above  this  class;  further,  her  attitude  toward  her  daughter, 
who  differed  from  her  on  this  point,  was  that  of  the  kind- 
est feeling.  There  was  no  trace  of  bitterness  in  the  mother's 
objection  to  the  daughter's  view.  She  herself  seemed  to 
follow  the  customs  more  because  of  the  weight  of  a  long- 
standing habit  than  because  of  belief. 

Perceptions  of  surroundings  are  acute.  The  family  is 
quick  to  note  the  necessity  for  any  change  in  its  plans,  any 


I4  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [270 

weakness  in  the  plans  of  others,  and  all  the  opportunities 
f6r  advancement. 

But  few  of  the  families  in  this  section  think  for  them- 
selves. It  is  easier  to  prove  the  absence  of  this  quality  of 
mind  than  its  presence.  Family  number  18,  nevertheless, 
does  think  independently.  "In  its  carelessness  as  to  religion 
it  may  be  said  to  be  simply  following  a  common  tendency 
amongst  the  Jews  of  the  city.  In  this  there  is  some  truth, 
but  the  manner  in  which  this  family  takes  the  indifferent 
attitude  Varies  from  the  ordinary.  The  daughter  and 
her  husband  seem  to  be  acting  according  to  thought,  and 
even  the  mother  has  lost  the  zeal  of  her  religion  for  the 
same  reason.  From  all  appearances  the  daughter  is  obe- 
dient to  her  mother;  her  reason  indicates  this  to  be  wise, 
but  in  religion  the  mother  is  influenced  by  the  daughter. 

Type  of  CJiaracter.  The  four  types  of  character  are 
the  "  Forceful,"  the  "  Convivial,"  the  "  Austere,"  and  the 
"Rationally  Conscientious."  *  It  is  clear  from  many  things 
that  this  family  is  not  of  the  forceful  type.  It  does  not  rush 
headlong  into  an  undertaking;  the  physical  life  is  entirely 
subordinate  to  the  mental.  Tailors  are  not  of  the  rough, 
muscular  class  that  depend  upon  brawn,  and  the  husband 
is  a  tailor.  It  is  equally  clear  that  the  family  is  not  of  the 
third  type,  the  "  austere."  It  is  not  controlled  by  a  formal 
set  of  ideas  or  principles  so  as  to  be  severe  in  discipline. 

There  is  more  doubt  as  to  whether  the  family  is  of  the 
convivial  or  pleasure-loving  type,  on  the  one  hand,  or  of 
the  rationally  conscientious,  on  the  other.  On  the  whole, 
the  evidence  points  to  the  latter.  Remember  that  the  family 
has  passed  through  the  severe  austerity  of  its  Hebrew  re- 
ligion into  another  stage.  This  stage  cannot  be  the  eon^- 
vivial,  because  the  powers  of  discretion  are  too  far  devel- 

1  Giddings'  Inductive  Sociology. 


271]      NATURE  AND  METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION          IS 

oped.  Every  act  is  weighed  in  the  light  of  profit  and  loss, 
arid  in  the  light  of  good  standing  and  progress.  While  not 
a  high  example  of  the  rationally  conscientious  type,  yet  of 
this  type  the  family  is,  and  its  ascent  from  the  block  in 
which  it  now  lives  will  not  be  long  distant. 

Particular  Traits  of  Character.  Were  I  to  judge  the 
Jews-  of  the  tenement  district  of  New  York  City  I  would 
answer  the  question  whether  they  have  physical  courage  in 
the  negative.  But  there  is  no  ground  for  such  an  answer 
concerning  this  family. 

Magnanimity  also  is  in  doubt,  because  the  economic  prin- 
ciple has  so  strong  a  hold  upon  the  tenement  Jew. 

Rather  than  magnanimous,  the  East  Side  Jew  is  gen- 
erous. This  is  particularly  true  of  family  number  18.  Its 
reception  of  the  writer  and  its  general  attitude  throughout 
showed  a  generous  nature. 

The  condition  of  the  house  and  of  the  persons  at  home 
showed  that  money  was  coming  in  from  some  one  steadily  at 
work.  The  family  is  beyond  doubt  industrious.  Further, 
everything  was  in  order,  showing  that  the  wife  was  ready 
to  do  her  duty.  The  remarks  of  the  mother  concerning  her 
store  indicated  that  she  was  not  given  to  idleness  or  even 
to  rest,  which  many  persons  of  her  age  claim  as  their  right. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  give  reasons  for  assuming  that  the 
family  is  frugal,  cleanly  and  orderly. 

As  to  temperance,  let  me  recall  the  mother's  remarks 
concerning  the  drunken  Irish  parents  and  their  temperate 
son.  The  mother  gave  this  illustration  to  represent  the 
Irish  people,  and  a  great  many  Germans  as  well,  and  she 
contrasted  them  with  her  own  people,  who  rarely  are  drunk- 
ards. Further,  the  common  sight  in  the  Hebrew  house  is 
the  vichy  bottle.  It  was  so  in  this  house.  At  the  tenements 
of  the  Irish  the  beer-bucket  is  more  often  in  evidence. 

In  all  my  conversation  I  had  every  reason  to  ascribe  to 


j6  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [272 

this  family  truthfulness  and  honesty.  Persons  who  would 
speak  of  themselves  thus  freely  and  sensibly  would  hardly 
be  without  these  virtues.  Their  discipline  of  the  little  girl 
was  also  a  sign  of  the  high  moral  standing  of  the  family, 
and  proved  that  she  would  be  trained  to  obey  her  parents 
and  to  respect  superior  age. 

Compassion  could  be  seen  in  the  relation  of  every  mem- 
ber of  the  family  toward  one  another.  The  strength  and 
extent  of  compassion  in  this  instance  is  a  subject  for  fur- 
ther thought  to  the  writer.  Whom  would  they  pity?  and 
how  much  would  their  pity  amount  to?  are  still  open  ques- 
tions, both  in  regard  to  this  family  and  to  the  Hebrew 
people  in  general. 

Such  was  the  method  used  in  gathering  information  for 
this  monograph  and  its  classification.  The  method  used 
throughout  has  been  essentially  that  here  described  in  the 
case  of  family  number  18. 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION 

SITUATION 

THE  people  under  consideration  live  on  the  upper  East 
Side  of  New  York  City.  They  occupy  fourteen  five-story, 
"double-decker,"  or  "dumb-bell,"  tenements.  The  "double- 
decker  "  is  built  so  that  four  families  live  on  the  floor.  The 
outer  rooms  are  fairly  well  lighted  by  two  windows  on  the 
street.  Sometimes  even  these  are  uncomfortably  dark,  on 
account  of  the  red  bricks  of  the  high  buildings  across  the 
narrow  street.  The  middle  room  has  only  the  borrowed 
light  from  the  first  room  and  the  inner  room  is  usually  quite 
dark.  Through  the  middle  of  the  building  extends  a  square 
shaft,  six  feet  by  three,  which  is  open  from  the  top  of  the 
house  to  the  bottom.  This  is  intended  to  permit  air  to 
circulate  through  the  house,  but  in  reality  it  disseminates 
disease  germs,  unpleasant  odors,  and  bits  of  gossip  among 
the  inhabitants.  The  lots  upon  which  the  houses  are  built 
are  of  the  usual  size,  100  by  25  feet.  When  we  under- 
stand that  four  families  live  upon  70  to  90  per  cent,  of  a 
plot  of  this  size,  and  that  these  fours  are  piled  upon  one 
another  five  stories  in  the  air,  we  can  realize  how  each 
family  is  limited. 

In  the  attempt  to  increase  the  number  of  families  to  a 
house,  the  block — which  we  shall  henceforth  designate  as 
Block  X — has  been  too  solidly  built  up.  With  70  to  90 
per  cait.  of  the  space  filled  by  houses  overflowing  with 
people,  pure  air  is  closed  out,  and  that  within  the  house 
becomes  intolerable.  Truly  has  it  been  said  that  the  twenty- 
five-foot  lot  is  the  greatest  curse  of  New  York  City.  This 
273]  17 


1 8  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [274 

condition  is  somewhat  relieved  in  this  section,  however,  by 
the  close  proximity  of  Central  Park  and  the  East  river. 
These  areas  of  fresh  air  and  of  natural  scenery  are  situated 
about  three  blocks  away  to  the  west  and  to  the  east  of  the 
houses  that  we  are  studying.  Almost  all  of  the  provisions  of 
the  present  tenement-house  laws  are  lacking,  for  the  houses 
were  built  twenty  years  ago  when  the  public  had  not  yet  real- 
ized the  dangers  of  unregulated  tenement-house  construction. 
Only  one  house  has  a  bath-tub,  and  only  one  has  hot  and 
cold  water.  In  most  of  the  houses  there  is  but  one  toilet- 
room  for  the  four  families  on  a  floor.  While  there  is  a 
fire-escape  from  every  floor,  the  amount  of  wood  that  enters 
into  the  structures  makes  them  exceedingly  dangerous. 

There  are  no  large  factories  in  the  district.  Tenement 
houses  with  small  stores  on  the  ground  floor  exclude  almost 
everything  else.  Here  and  there  is  a  public  school,  and 
occasionally  one  sees  a  church.  At  either  end  of  the  side 
streets  are  Second  and  Third  avenues  with  their  elevated 
and  surface  cars  rushing  to  every  part  of  the  city.  The 
traffic-filled  avenues  are  to  the  people  of  the  side  streets  as 
wide  streams  that  give  them  a  means  of  traveling  to  their 
work,  but  at  the  same  time  separate  them  from  the  people 
across  the  avenue.  The  old  Jew  who  proved  the  excellence 
of  the  coat  because  it  was  made  only  three  blocks  away 
from  Fifth  avenue  knew  that  the  social  difference  between 
the  two  avenues  is  represented  by  miles.  These  avenues 
not  only  happen  to  be  the  lines  of  cleavage  between  the 
different  economic  strata,  but  they  also  bring  about  the  sep- 
aration of  the  people  of  the  same  class,  and  become  in  real- 
ity what  large  rivers  are  to  people  along  their  banks.  Par- 
ents refuse  to  send  their  children  to  a  school  or  church 
across  the  avenue,  but  they  will  send  them  for  blocks  up 
or  down  one  side.  Acquainted  families  taking  tenements 
on  opposite  sides  of  the  avenues  become  in  time  as  strangers. 
This  suggests  the  whole  subject  of  city  groups  and  distances. 


275]  THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION  jQ 

In  the  upper  economic  strata  of  city  life  local  contact  is 
of  comparatively  little  importance.  Well-to-do  classes  can 
avail  themselves  of  all  the  means  of  transportation,  so  that 
they  meet  away  from  their  homes  in  clubs  and  churches,  and 
at  one  another's  houses.  But  in  the  lower  strata  distance  is 
a  vital  matter,  and  distances  are  incorrectly  interpreted  not 
only  by  the  rural  visitor  whose  nearest  neighbor  is  "  three 
miles  away  across  lots,"  but  by  municipal  reformers.  A 
distance  of  two  blocks  is  equivalent  to  a  mile  in  the  country 
or  small  town.  An  institution  two  blocks  away  from  its 
people  is  much  handicapped  in  its  influence  upon  them. 
Where  the  population  is  dense,  short  distances  have  a  great 
significance,  and  when  these  distances  are  across  street-car 
avenues,  the  separation  is  still  more  pronounced. 

AGGREGATION 

Density.  The  population  of  these  fourteen  houses  varies 
from  800  to  900  souls,  divided  among  two  hundred  families. 
The  size  of  the  family  is,  therefore,  from  four  to  five  individ- 
uals. The  number  in  a  house  depends  very  largely  upon  the 
janitor.  Houses  209  and  235  are  always  filled,  because  the 
landlords  are  present  and  see  for  themselves  that  each  tenant 
is  comfortable  in  his  rooms  and  congenial  to  his  neighbors. 
While  these  houses  have  more  tenants  than  any  of  the 
others,  it  is  not  true  that  the  tenants  are  more  crowded. 
Crowding  is  to  be  measured  by  the  number  of  persons  in 
an  apartment.  From  the  point  of  view  of  a  farmer,  twenty 
families,  with  an  aggregate  of  ninety  persons,  living  in  one 
house  is  an  astounding  fact;  but  in  comparison  with  the 
number  of  Italians  living  in  one  three-roomed  apartment 
the  families  in  No.  235  are  comfortable.  The  Italians 
have  come  from  Europe  more  recently  and,  being  poorer, 
are  compelled  to  live  in  a  more  densely  settled  quarter. 
Moreover,  their  relatives  and  friends  in  Italy  are  conttn- 


20  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [276 

ually  coming  over  and  temporarily  living  with  them.  The 
Jews  have  moved  here  from  down  town.  Their  connec- 
tions with  Europe  are  not  close.  Most  of  their  friends  have 
already  settled  in  other  parts  of  the  city.  There  is  no  de- 
mand to  take  friends  into  the  family.  The  average  Jewish 
family  occupying  three  rooms  has  from  three  to  six  mem- 
bers, while  the  Italian  family  has  from  four  to  nine. 

Causes  of  Aggregation.  The  Italians  in  this  group  are 
a  part  of  the  settlement  that  has  been  growing  for  ten  years 
in  a  half  circle  extending  west  from  a  centre  at  the  inter- 
section of  noth  street  and  the  East  river.  They  came  to 
this  part  of  the  city  to  be  nearer  to  the  new  buildings  which 
have  been  erected  in  great  numbers  on  the  empty  lots  in 
the  vicinity,  for  most  of  the  Italians  are  builders  and  labor- 
ing men.  The  Jews  began  their  migration  about  fifteen 
years  ago,  at  the  invitation  of  a  German  garment-worker, 
who  found  the  carting  of  goods  down  town  too  unprofit- 
able. An  important  contributing  cause  of  the  migration 
of  all  peoples  from  the  lower  parts  of  the  city  is  the  desire 
for  better  quarters  and  lower  rents. 

Migration.  In  the  local  arrangements  of  city  inhabitants 
economic  welfare  is  of  primary  importance.  The  most  deci- 
sive index  of  the  economic  state  of  a  family  is  the  rent  it  pays. 
The  families  in  the  corner  house  of  a  block,  where  the  rent  is 
higher,  are  of  a  better  social  class.  This  is  true  also  of  the 
families  on  Second  and  Third  avenues  as  compared  with 
those  of  the  side  street.  Within  the  economic  limits  there 
are  numerous  groups  based  on  social  facts,  such  as  nation- 
ality, nature  of  work,  and  migration.  The  most  striking 
fact  pertaining  to  aggregation  is  the  great  mobility  of  the 
people  from  house  to  house,  combined  with  the  persistency 
of  the  same  nationality  in  each  house.  A  study  of  the 
accompanying  table  shows  that  only  50  per  cent,  of  the 
families  live  in  one  house  over  six  months  and  that  only 
3.3  per  cent,  have  been  in  the  block  for  over  five  years. 


277] 


THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION 


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22  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [278 

When  these  houses  were  built,  twenty  years  ago,  they 
were  occupied  by  Irish  and  Germans.  Gradually  these  have 
been  replaced  by  the  Jews  and  Italians,  and  now  these  two 
nationalities  are  fighting  for  the  street.  The  process  is 
illustrative  of  changes  in  many  parts  of  the  city.  The  lower 
East  Side,  for  instance,  was  peopled  by  Irish  and  Germans. 
They  were  driven  out  by  an  immigration  of  Jews.  At 
present  the  Italians  are  making  great  progress  in  their 
colonization  of  the  section  south  of  Houston  street  and  east 
of  the  Bowery. 

Genetic  Aggregation.  The  statistics  of  births  compiled 
by  the  board  of  health  are  useless  as  a  means  of  deter- 
mining genetic  aggregation  in  this  block.  In  view  of  the 
instability  of  the  people  it  would  be  difficult  to  make  obser- 
vations, even  if  there  were  an  accurate  list  of  births.  It 
is  certain,  however,  that  the  number  of  births,  as  also  of 
deaths,  is  large  in  comparison  with  that  of  people  in  the 
higher  walks  of  life. 

DEMOTIC   COMPOSITION 

Age  and  Sex.  The  births  for  five  years  in  Block  X,  using 
such  statistics  as  we  have,  indicate  six  more  boys  than  girls 
per  1,000  of  the  population.  Up  to  the  age  of  thirty  years 
there  seems  to  be  but  little  difference  in  the  relative  number, 
with  a  possible  slight  excess  of  young  women.  From  thirty 
to  forty  the  men  are  a  distinct  majority.  After  forty  the 
number  of  men  becomes  relatively  smaller,  until  about  sixty, 
when  women  are  in  the  majority.  The  statistics  of  three 
consecutive  years  show  that  there  are  more  living  mothers 
than  fathers.  During  working  age  the  number  of  women 
is  almost  as  large  as  that  of  men.  As  to  age,  the  population 
is  remarkable  in  its  proportion  of  young  persons.  The 
number  under  15  includes  40  per  cent,  of  the  community. 
Over  forty  per  cent,  are  between  20  and  45,  while  those 


2791 


THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION 


over  45  years  comprise  but  6  per  cent,  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  persons  in  the  block.  These  observations  point 
clearly  to  the  urban  and  immigrant  elements  of  the  group. 
The  people  who  migrate  to  our  shores  are  usually  in  the 
prime  of  life  and  of  the  male  sex.  Hence  the  unusual  pro- 
portion of  persons  at  the  working  age,  and  especially  of  men. 
Nationality.  The  classification  according  to  nationality 
is  so  important  that  it  merits  a  full  table  for  the  four  years' 
investigation. 


Teutonic. 

Celtic. 

Ibero-  Latin. 

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White  Families  in  Block  X  by  Ethnic-Race  and  Nationality. 

It  is  seen  that  the  number  of  Irish  and  Germans  left 
over  in  the  general  movement  from  this  quarter  is  a  dimin- 
ishing and  fluctuating  number.  The  Germans  decreased 
each  year — 31,  17,  13 — and  they  will  likely  continue  to  do 
so,  because  they  are  frugal  and  sufficiently  determined  to 
carry  out  their  intentions.  The  number  of  Irish  has  also 
diminished — 26,  12,  23 — but  it  is  an  irregular  movement. 
The  Irish  desire  to  leave  the  street,  but  their  careless 
habits  keep  them  back.  With  these  two  left-over  nation- 
alities are  to  be  classed  the  remaining  negroes.  On  these 


24  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [2go 

pressure  to  leave  has  been  heavy.  The  mutual  hatred 
of  the  Jew  and  the  negro  is  hearty.  Once  they  sep- 
arate they  never  meet  again.  Besides  these  two  dominant 
and  these  three  "  left-over  "  nationalities,  are  other  nation- 
alities, including  Americans,  who  are  merely  wanderers 
whose  presence  has  no  significance  other  than  to  indicate 
the  thriftlessness  of  some  Americans  and  the  misfortunes 
of  others.  The  two  most  marked  movements  of  national- 
ities are  those  of  the  Hebrews  and  the  Italians.  These 
peoples  are  steadily  increasing  in  numbers.  The  Italians 
were  the  last  to  come  in,  but  now  they  are  almost  as 
numerous  as  the  Hebrews.  The  struggle  for  the  street  is 
being  waged,  nor  is  it  altogether  an  unconscious  economic 
and  social  struggle.  Evidence  of  this  fact  is  afforded 
by  a  sudden  change  of  population  in  house  223.  In  1897 
and  1898  it  was  occupied  by  Italians.  In  1899  the  Jewish 
landlord  expelled  all  but  two  of  them  on  the  ground  that 
he  wished  to  renovate  the  house.  Very  few  alterations 
were  made  and  then  the  house  was  filled  with  Hebrews. 
But  for  this  change  the  Italians  would  have  outnumbered 
the  Jews  even  in  1900. 

The  reason  for  the  selection  of  house  223  as  the  point 
of  attack  suggests  another  important  phase  of  the  situa- 
tion. House  223  was  separated  from  the  other  Italian 
houses  by  house  221.  The  pressure  to  drive  them  out  was 
felt  from  both  sides.  The  tenants  of  221  harrassed  the 
landlord  of  223  by  complaining  to  the  board  of  health 
about  his  house  until  he  cleared  it  of  the  Italians.  It  thus 
appears  that  the  arrangement  of  the  people  according  to 
houses  is  an  important  matter.  Other  interesting  facts  bear 
on  this  point.  The  houses  are  numbered  from  Third  to 
Second  avenue.  House  201  is  on  the  corner,  and  in  nation- 
ality is  allied  to  the  population  of  Third  avenue.  Its  occu- 
pants are  Americanized  Irish  of  the  Tammany  Hall  kind, 


28 1  ]  THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION  2$ 

jovial  and  good-natured.  The  next  four  houses  are  be- 
coming more  and  more  the  property  of  the  Jews.  The  other 
nationalities  are  gradually  withdrawing.  In  house  209  the 
tact  of  the  Jewish  landlady  withstands  the  natural  drift  of 
races  and  her  house  is  favored  with  the  presence  of  nine 
respectable  Irish  families.  While  the  number  of  Irish  is 
not  diminishing  in  this  house,  the  number  of  Hebrews  is 
increasing,  so  that  before  long  it  will  go  the  way  of  the 
other  four.  House  211  marks  the  western  boundary  line 
between  Jews  and  Italians.  This  and  the  four  following 
houses  are  prevailingly  Italian  in  their  population.  House 
211  is  well  adapted  to  be  the  point  of  contact  of  the 
Jewish  and  Italian  peoples,  because  the  majority  of  Italians 
in  the  house  are  of  the  more  deliberate-minded  kind,  Ger- 
man-like Italians  from  the  north  of  Italy.  House  221  is 
the  beginning  of  another  section  of  Jewish  houses.  This 
house,  too,  is  peculiarly  fitted  to  be  the  point  of  separation, 
for  its  population  is  the  most  heterogeneous  in  the  whole 
block.  The  remaining  three  houses  are  almost  exclusively 
Jewish.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  the  middle  of  the  block  is 
occupied  by  the  Italians  and  the  ends  by  the  Hebrews,  with 
a  sprinkling  of  other  races. 

Potential  Nationality.  The  percentage  of  "  native- 
born  of  native  parents  "  is  exceedingly  small  and  stead- 
ily diminishing.  In  1897  there  were  but  thirteen  fam- 
ilies out  of  the  212  in  which  the  parents  were  of 
this  class.  The  next  year  there  were  but  eight,  and 
the  last  year  only  five  families.  The  number  of  "  native- 
born  of  foreign  parents "  was  likewise  a  decreasing 
series — 26  in  1897,  23  m  I^99,  and  13  in  1900.  The 
foreign-born  parents  became  more  and  more  numerous,  the 
number  being  145,  172,  179,  or  85  per 'cent,  of  all  the 
parents.  Thus  the  adult  population  in  the  large  majority 
of  cases  is  foreign.  The  contact  of  these  peoples  with  the 


26  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [282 

real  Americans  who  know  rural  as  well  as  urban  life  is 
almost  exclusively  through  public  institutions,  such  as 
schools,  settlements  and  churches.  As  the  table  indicates, 
these  families  have  come  to  this  country  in  a  regular  stream 
extending  through  a  period  of  twenty  years  or  more.  Over 
50  per  cent,  of  the  children  have  been  born  in  this  country, 
but  for  the  most  part  in  crowded  quarters  of  great  cities. 
The  last  two  facts  furnish  an  index  to  the  method  and 
extent  of  assimilation  in  process  here.  Immigrants  are  dis- 
placing the  native-born,  but  the  children  are  educated  by 
American  teachers. 

Demotic  Unity.  The  clustering  of  nationalities  into 
neighboring  houses  shows  that  the  prevailing  tendency  is 
to  make  national  and  racial  ties  the  bond  of  unity  in  each 
group.  Only  after  the  process  of  Americanization  has  be- 
gun can  we  determine  what  elements  will  amalgamate. 
While  the  Italians  and  Hebrews  are  locally  nearer  together 
than  others,  there  are  no  signs  of  union.  Small  as  the 
number  of  Irish  and  Germans  in  this  community  is,  their 
intermarriages  are  relatively  numerous.  It  is  usually  the 
case  that  the  husband  is  Irish  and  the  wife  German.  The 
mixed  marriages  of  all  nationalities  in  1897  numbered  18. 
There  were  20  in  1899  and  13  in  1900.  Some  of  them  are 
so  peculiar  that  I  give  one  of  each  type : 

Irish  and  Negro. 

German  and  Negro. 

Italian  and  German. 

Irish  and  German. 

French  and  American. 

Welsh  and  Austrian. 

Hebrew  and  Swede. 

The  community  is  too  small  to  afford  an  adequate  basis 
for  generalization  on  such  a  subject  as  demotic  unity. 
Nevertheless,  some  valuable  hints  have  been  obtained.  It 


283]  THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION  27 

seems  clear  that  one  of  the  chief  obstacles  to  amalgamation 
is  the  misunderstanding  of  the  American  standards  of  wages 
and  a  failure  to  accept  them.  The  Irishman  hates  the 
Italian  because  the  latter  is  willing  to  work  regardless  of 
the  workingman's  tradition.  When  the  Italian  learns  the 
American  point  of  view  these  two  peoples  become  friends, 
and  it  is  likely  that  the  next  generation  will  witness  as 
many  intermarriages  of  Italians  and  Irish  as  now  take 
place  between  the  Irish  and  the  German.  The  probable 
direction  of  amalgamation  will  appear  more  clearly  in  the 
discussion  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind. 


CHAPTER  III 
LIKE  BEHAVIOR 

LIKE  behavior  by  two  or  more  persons  under  given  con- 
ditions is  the  elemental  form  of  social  activity.  In  psy- 
chological language,  like  behavior  is  a  similar  response  by 
two  or  more  individuals  to  the  same  stimulus,  or  to  com- 
mon stimuli.  By  observing  any  peculiarities  of  like  re- 
sponse that  characterize  a  population,  or  any  local  sub- 
division of  it,  and  any  significant  phases  of  interstimulation 
and  response  among  communicating  minds,  we  begin  our 
study  of  its  social  phenomena  at  the  beginning.1 

Each  nationality  has  its  own  peculiarities  of  individual 
activity  and  of  like  behavior.  Consider  the  manner  and 
intensity  of  response  to  stimulus  as  seen  in  the  Italian.  It 
is  quick  but  irregular.  Generally,  or  often,  it  seems  out 
of  all  proportion  to  the  stimulus;  it  does  not  seem  to  cor- 
respond to  the  stimulus  in  kind  or  in  intensity.  These 
peculiarities  account  for  much  that  we  have  noticed  in  the 
actions  of  the  foreign-born  as  we  have  seen  them  in  this 
country  and  as  history  reveals  them  in  their  own  lands. 
Likewise  can  be  noted  the  superiority  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race  in  the  close  correspondence  of  stimulus  and  response. 

The  observations  here  recorded  have  to  do  not  merely 
with  stimulus  and  response  as  such,  but  with  response  in 
connection  with  the  responses  of  others;  the  like  behavior 
of  many  individuals  under  like  conditions.  If  response 

1  The  author  follows  the  analysis  and  theory  of  Giddings*  Inductive 
Sociology. 

28  [284 


285]  LIKE  BEHAVIOR  29 

itself  makes  a  great  deal  clear,  the  degree  of  simultaneity 
in  the  responses  of  a  group  of  individuals  reveals  still  more. 

In  determining  the  simultaneity  of  response  it  is  neces- 
sary to  bear  in  mind  a  number  of  conditions.  First  among 
these  are  manner  and  frequency. 

One  clue  is  given  by  nationality,  but  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  nationality  alone  is  uncertain  evidence.  Nation- 
ality may  be  regarded  as  a  potential  responsiveness;  and  it 
is  much  affected  by  the  conditions  under  which  a  family 
lives.  Length  of  residence  in  this  country,  associations 
while  here,  and  occupation  have  much  effect  upon  the  re- 
sponsiveness of  the  various  members  of  the  family. 

Next  to  the  nationality  of  the  family  the  conditions  of 
the  house  must  be  studied.  The  group  in  the  house  itself 
is  in  a  sense  a  distinct  unit  with  a  potential  responsiveness 
of  its  own.  If  the  house  is  occupied  largely  by  one  nation- 
ality, it  is  to  be  expected  that  the  like  activities  of  its 
tenants  will  be  approximately  simultaneous. 

The  structure  of  the  house  also  is  important.  Where 
this  is  such  that  the  conversation  of  one  family  is  easily 
overheard  by  other  families,  it  is  to  be  expected  that  a 
common  consciousness  will  arise  and  similarity  of  action 
will  develop. 

Another  important  factor  making  for  homogeneity  is 
found  in  the  two  persons,  the  landlord  and  the  janitor,  both 
of  whom  contribute  much  to  good  fellowship  and  to  a  stock 
of  common  ideas  in  the  tenement-house  population. 

After  these  elements  of  potential  responsiveness  have 
been  considered,  the  actual  stimuli  reaching  the  subjects 
must  be  noted.  Throughout  the  tenement  districts  of  New 
York  City  there  are  many  noises  and  other  stimuli  that  are 
everywhere  the  same.  City  officials  call  everywhere  and 
often,  especially  representatives  of  the  board  of  health;  so 
do  representatives  of  the  city  directory,  and  of  the  gas 


30  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [286 

company;  the  landlord,  the  janitor,  coal  dealers,  ice  dealers, 
peddlers  of  various  sorts,  church  visitors,  social  reformers 
and  beggars. 

Then  there  is  a  group  of  street  stimuli  everywhere  to  be 
heard — grind-organs,  hucksters,  newsboys,  letter-carriers, 
the  clanging  bell  of  the  fire-engine,  of  the  ambulance,  and 
of  the  patrol-wagon. 

To  those  who  read  English  an  important  stimulus  is  the 
newspaper.  The  New  York  Journal  and  the  World  very 
largely  mould  the  ideas  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  tenement 
regions  concerning  public  events.  Although  this  moulding 
is  not  vigorous,  the  influence  is  marked,  and  in  some  respects 
to  be  commended.  Sunday  editions  are  widely  read.  For- 
eigners and  those  who  for  any  reason  might  be  inclined  to 
hold  different  opinions  are  by  these  papers  brought  to  agree. 
This  is  true  also  to  a  less  degree  of  those  who  read  papers 
in  their  own  languages.  Many  papers  in  foreign  tongues 
are  printed  by  the  proprietors  of  English  editions,  and  the 
news  is  told  in  substantially  the  same  way  in  all.  Any 
pandering  to  the  tastes  of  these  people  is  not  to  be  passed 
over  lightly.  They  desire  the  startling  and  the  striking, 
whether  humorous  or  pathetic.  Facts  stated  briefly  and 
often  as  half  truths,  or  romantic,  interesting  lies,  are  rel- 
ished by  the  large  majority.  Nevertheless  the  editor's  own 
idea  becomes  a  common  thought  to  his  readers,  and  simi- 
larity and  simultaneity  of  thought  and  action  are  engen- 
dered. 

Yet  another  influence  to  be  remembered  is  the  activity  of 
political  machines,  and  of  various  other  organizations — 
racial,  industrial,  reformatory  and  social. 

The  influence  of  the  school,  however,  surpasses  every 
other.  In  the  school  all  children  are  approached  in  the  same 
way ;  the  children  in  turn  bring  their  school  ideas  and  man- 
ners to  bear  upon  their  parents.  Each  child  transmits  the 


287]  UKE  BEHAVIOR  3I 

school  influence  in  an  individual  way,  yet  in  general  the 
influence  of  school  children  upon  their  parents  is  the  same, 
and  is  creative  of  mental  similarity  throughout  the  popula- 
tion. 

In  addition  to  these  general  stimuli,  each  section  has  its 
local  stimuli  peculiar  to  that  special  district,  such  as  the 
Jewish  and  Italian  street  markets,  and  street  singing,  which 
is  more  often  heard  in  Italian  districts  than  elsewhere. 
These  local  stimuli  will  be  mentioned  in  the  study  of  the 
actual  responses  observed  in  the  fourteen  houses  under  con- 
sideration. 4 

As  we  have  seen  from  the  study  of  nationality  in  this  block, 
each  house  has  distinct  characteristics  that  separate  it  from 
all  others.  Moreover,  it  was  apparent  that  houses  grouped 
themselves  naturally  into  three  or  four  or  possibly  five  sec- 
tions. This  grouping  will  be  considered,  but  let  us  first 
describe  the  houses  one  by  one. 

House  201.  There  are  various  conditions  conducive  to 
simultaneous  like-action  in  this  house.  The  families  have 
been  long  in  this  country,  all  are  readers  of  American  papers, 
and  all  have  been  subjected  to  most  of  the  stimuli  above 
mentioned.  Their  long  residence  in  America  has  made  them 
independent.  Their  relation  to  one  another  is  more  formal 
than  the  relations  of  tenants  in  any  of  the  other  houses. 
By  formal  is  meant  that  they  have  consideration  for  the 
privacy  of  their  neighbors.  They  do  not  rush  into  one 
another's  houses  on  the  slightest  impulse.  There  is  a  more 
distinct  separation  of  families  and  a  clearer  recognition  of 
family  rights.  Consequently  simultaneous  like  behavior  is 
infrequent.  It  is  seen,  however,  in  the  relations  of  the 
Irish  with  Irish,  the  janitor  with  all,  and  the  baker  with 
his  customers. 

House  203.  In  this  house  communication  and  like  re- 
sponse were  a  little  more  frequent.  Its  occupants  visited 


32  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [288 

each  other  more  and  knew  more  of  one  another's  ways  and 
work.  This  was  especially  true  of  the  Hebrew  families 
on  the  third  and  fourth  floors,  and  of  the  Irish  families  on 
the  fifth  floor. 

House  205.  The  janitress  of  203  and  205  is  a  German 
woman,  the  widow  of  an  Irishman.  Because  of  her  Irish 
name  many  of  her  Irish  tenants  have  come  into  the  house 
with  the  mistaken  notion  that  she  is  of  their  own  nation- 
ality. She  has  used  no  judgment  whatever  in  the  selec- 
tion of  her  tenants,  and  owing  to  her  carelessness  on  this 
point,  and  also  in  the  matter  of  keeping  the  house  clean, 
tenants  soon  move  out.  Consequently,  there  is  little  ex- 
change of  ideas  or  of  manners.  The  Jews  outnumber  all 
other  peoples,  but  they  are  so  unlike  one  another  that 
there  is  little  communication  among  them.  From  these 
facts  it  is  clear  that  the  activities  of  this  group  are  not 
marked  by  much  coincidence. 

House  207.  This  house  is  more  homogeneous,  but  its 
tenants  are  often  away  from  home  at  work.  On  the  fourth 
floor  were  two  sisters-in-law,  born  in  this  country,  of  Hebrew 
parents  from  Holland.  They  were  helping  each  other  to 
wash  dishes,  and  were  cooperating  in  various  ways.  These 
two  families  were  in  close  communication  with  the  neighbor 
who  lived  in  the  front  and  who  remained  at  home  during 
the  day.  The  fourth  occupant  of  this  floor  was  away  from 
home  working  during  the  day.  The  four  families  were 
Hebrew.  That  they  were  American-born  was  at  once  evi- 
dent. They  were  of  a  lighter  and  gayer  disposition,  and 
the  maternal  spirit  was  not  so  strong  as  in  the  Jewish 
women  born  in  Germany  or  in  Russia.  While  the  house 
was  neat  and  clean,  the  feeling  of  home  was  lacking. 
Though  the  two  couples  had  been  married  some  years  only 
one  child  had  been  born.  The  fact  that  it  was  seven  years 
old  was  not  without  significance  in  view  of  the  claim  that 


289]  LIKE  BEHAVIOR  33 

Americanization  and  respectability  are  accompanied  by  a 
decrease  of  the  birth-rate. 

House  209.  The  tenants  of  this  house  often  call  on  one 
another  and  a  marked  community  feeling  exists.  The  bond 
of  sympathy  is  strong.  This  can  be  explained  chiefly  by 
the  fact  that  the  landlady,  who  is  a  Jewess  of  considerable 
tact  and  wide  sympathy,  lives  in  the  house.  Her  selection 
of  tenants  is  good,  and  by  her  wisdom  she  has  kept  them 
here  a  long  time.  She  visits  them,  and  thus  fosters  social 
sympathy  and  union.  One  nationality  prevails,  the  house 
being  filled  with  Irish  who  have  been  in  America  for 
fifteen  or  twenty  years.  They  are  thus  equally  assim- 
ilated to  American  ways  and  of  very  nearly  the  same  eco- 
nomic standing.  The  degree  of  homogeneity  in  this  house 
is  greater  than  elsewhere  in  the  block. 

At  the  time  of  the  several  visits  made  here,  the  landlady 
was  found  in  some  one  of  her  tenant's  rooms,  or  some 
tenant  was  found  in  her  apartment.  Likewise,  on  the  upper 
floors  the  opposite  doors  were  almost  invariably  open  and 
the  families  were  talking  with  one  another.  The  structure 
of  this  house  is  conducive  to  a  distribution  of  any  report 
or  knowledge  interesting  to  the  residents. 

House  211.  With  this  number  begins  the  row  of  five 
Italian  houses.  The  Italians  are  usually  highly  responsive 
and  sympathetic;  especially  is  this  true  of  the  Italians  now 
in  this  country.  Many  of  them  know  only  their  own  lan- 
guage and  can  associate  only  with  their  own  people.  The 
order  of  precedence  in  their  community,  therefore,  is  deter- 
mined by  length  of  residence  in  America.  A  feeling  of 
dependence  upon  the  one  who  knows  American  customs 
best  is  conducive  to  communication  and  simultaneity  of 
response. 

Nevertheless,  though  Italians  prevail  in  house  211,  re- 
sponse there  is  not  highly  simultaneous  because  these  par- 


34  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [290 

ticular  Italians  are  of  two  classes,  the  Northern  and  the 
Southern;  and  because  they  are  conscious  that  as  yet  the 
house  is  not  "  theirs,"  that  is,  that  their  number  is  not 
sufficient  to  establish  their  manners  as  the  prevailing  "  hall- 
manners." 

House  213.  The  prevailing  manners  of  this  house,  as  in 
the  next  three  houses,  are  distinctively  Italian.  An  Italian 
widow  and  her  son,  who  keeps  a  grocery  store  on  the  ground 
floor,  are  the  lease-holders  and  janitors.  It  is  to  the  interest 
of  this  family  to  keep  the  Italian  spirit  alive.  This  little 
store  brings  all  the  families  to  itself  and  to  each  other.  All 
incidents  of  any  importance  throughout  the  house  are  re- 
lated at  this  centre  and  simultaneity  of  response  is  corre- 
spondingly marked. 

House  215.  There  is  no  such  social  centre  here  as  in 
213,  though  the  janitress  and  her  boy  serve  as  interpreters 
for  a  number  of  the  families.  Here  was  illustrated  the  use 
of  the  air-shaft  as  a  means  of  communication.  The  visitor 
was  on  the  second  floor  talking  in  ordinary  tones  with  a 
Cuban  woman,  when  another  woman  called  down  from  the 
third  floor  and  asked  if  the  latter  were  in.  She  had  evi- 
dently heard  the  visitor's  voice  and  was  curious  to  know 
who  he  was.  In  a  few  moments  she  came  down,  and  still 
further  showed  her  curiosity  by  her  manner. 

A  similar  incident  occurred  in  house  211.  The  visitor, 
struggling  with  his  imperfect  Italian  to  ascertain  the  num- 
ber of  years  a  family  on  the  second  floor  had  been  in  Amer- 
ica, asked:  "A  quanti  anni  in  casa?"  They  answered: 
"  Dicesette  anni."  "  Oh,  yes,"  said  the  visitor,  "  seven 
years,"  the  first  syllables  being  spoken  so  rapidly  that  they 
were  not  noticed.  When  the  visitor  entered  the  rooms 
above,  on  the  fourth  floor,  the  Italian  woman  who  could 
speak  English  said :  "  You  made  a  mistake  in  the  house 
below,  dicesette  is  seventeen  years." 


291]  LIKE  BEHAVIOR  35 

In  another  house  a  colored  woman  said :  "  Oh,  yes,  the 
Italians  are  Catholics,  for  I  saw  through  the  air-shaft  a 
lot  of  candles  around  the  coffin." 

These  incidents  show  how  much  each  family  can  learn 
of  the  life  about  it.  Through  the  air-shaft  the  families 
above  and  below  are  within  hearing,  while  through  the  halls 
four  families  are  within  fairly  close  communication  with 
one  another.  In  Italian  houses  this  is  a  significant  fact. 
The  loud  voices  of  the  Italians  carry  from  top  to  bottom. 
This,  coupled  with  their  highly  emotional  temperament, 
gives  ample  ground  for  the  expectation  of  much  simul- 
taneity of  action.  Their  emotions  are  too  keen  and  too 
much  awake  to  be  limited  to  a  family.  Inevitably  they  act 
on  the  first  impulse  and  act  together. 

House  217.  The  tenants  here  are  even  more  completely 
Italian  in  their  manners  than  in  215,  for  the  other  national- 
ities are  represented  by  their  weakest  members.  There  is  no- 
social  centre  around  which  they  form,  but  they  resort  to  the 
janitor  for  assistance  in  understanding  English.  My  appear- 
ance on  the  floor  was  a  signal  for  all  the  families  to  appear 
and  to  listen  to  my  questions.  In  all  these  Italian  houses 
it  was  necessary  to  exercise  care  not  to  excite  the  whole 
house  in  talking  to  one  family.  Refusal  in  one  family 
would  endanger  success  with  all  the  others  in  the  house, 
and  consent  in  one  apartment  would  guarantee  it  in  the 
others. 

House  219.  Here  were  Italians  that  had  just  come  over 
from  Europe.  Naturally,  these  followed  the  example  of 
those  that  had  been  here  longer,  and  often  referred  to  them 
for  aid  and  explanation. 

House  221.  This  group  is  composed  of  a  varied  lot  of 
people.  Their  heterogeneity,  both  as  to  nationality  and  pre- 
vious condition  of  life,  is  not  conducive  to  like  action. 
Simultaneity  of  behavior  is  by  no  means  so  frequent  as  in 


36  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [292 

the  more  homogeneous  houses.  In  some  respects  this  house 
resembles  number  201.  Its  tenants  are  of  higher  grades 
of  life,  and,  as  in  house  201,  are  more  formal  in  their  rela- 
tions. For  this  reason  cooperation  and  like  behavior  are 
more  rare. 

Furthermore,  some  of  those  that  have  been  reduced  from 
better  conditions  are  reticent  as  to  their  present  circum- 
stances. They  keep  aloof  from  their  neighbors,  merely  be- 
cause the  latter  are  among  the  poor  and  ignorant. 

House  223.  When  this  house  was  filled  with  Italians  a 
certain  family  was  quick  to  act  with  others,  but  when  it  was 
left  with  various  other  nationalities  now  there,  its  behavior 
in  this  respect  changed.  The  owner  and  the  janitor  of  the 
house  are  Hebrews,  and  a  majority  of  the  new  tenants  are  of 
the  same  race.  As  the  house  is  not  in  good  repair  the  people 
who  have  taken  rooms  there  are  of  the  poorer  sort,  and 
consequently  are  more  dependent  and  less  formal,  with  the 
exception  of  the  non-Jewish  element,  which  is  very  re- 
served in  its  relation  to  the  others.  The  Jewish  element, 
however,  gives  to  this  group  some  degree  of  simultaneity 
in  its  like  activities. 

House  225.  Here  are  tenants  more  well-to-do  than  those 
of  223.  They  differ  greatly  in  character  and  are  independ- 
ent of  one  another.  Their  actual  responses  to' stimuli  differ 
much,  though  they  have  long  been  subject  to  the  general 
forces  tending  to  make  them  similar. 

House  235.  As  the  occupants  of  this  house  are  all  of 
one  nationality,  and  even  from  the  same  land,  we  might 
expect  a  great  similarity  of  action  and  ideas.  But  they  have 
imbibed  more  or  less  of  Russian  individualism,  and  so  differ 
more  in  their  behavior  than  the  more  southern  peoples  do. 

Our  observations  to  this  point  have  concerned  the  like 
responses  to  stimuli  by  families  on  the  same  floor  or  in  the 
same  house.  Simultaneity  of  like  action  varies  as  the  en- 


293]  LIKE  BEHAVIOR  37 

vironment  is  widened  or  changed.  A  Jewish  family  shows 
little  tendency  to  act  in  a  given  way  simultaneously  with 
its  neighbors  in  an  Italian  house;  but  it  may  often  so  act 
with  more  distant  neighbors  of  its  own  race  in  the  wider 
environment  of  the  street.  On  the  other  hand,  among  the 
families  of  a  Jewish  house,  or  of  an  Italian  house,  simul- 
taneous like  behavior  is  more  frequent  and  extensive  than 
it  is  among  the  families  collectively  of  the  street. 

Our  study  of  nationality  has  shown  us  that  these  people 
have  a  tendency  to  gather  themselves  to  their  own  kind. 
Rarely  does  a  family  live  among  people  entirely  different 
from  itself.  Even  house  221,  which  shelters  many  nation- 
alities, has  nevertheless  many  families  of  one  blood,  and 
the  house  is  an  exception  to  the  rule  of  colonization  in 
this  community. 

Houses  201  and  221  are  good  examples  of  sections  of 
the  city  where  prosperous  people  reside.  Their  tenants  are 
relatively  independent  of  their  immediate  environment; 
nevertheless,  within  a  wider  environment  their  like  respon- 
siveness with  their  kind  may  be  even  greater  than  that  of 
the  people  here,  for  usually  they  have  been  in  the  city 
longer,  and  therefore  for  a  greater  period  of  time  have 
been  subjected  to  its  common  stimuli.  The  social  group- 
ings of  the  prosperous  are  not  so  limited  by  local  boun- 
daries as  are  those  of  the  poor.  Territorially  their  social 
relationships  may  be  most  intricate,  while  yet  as  a  class 
they  are  subject  to  all  the  social  laws  of  a  rural  community 
or  of  a  highly  homogeneous  tenement  district. 

The  classification  of  these  people  in  respect  of  like  re- 
sponse to  stimuli  is  as  follows : 

i.  Not  Simultaneous.  A  large  majority  of  the  indi- 
viduals composing  one  hundred  and  forty-four  families  do- 
not  usually  respond  to  stimuli  simultaneously  with  their 
neighbors. 


38  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [294 

A  small  majority  of  the  individuals  composing  sixty- 
eight  families  do  not  usually  respond  to  stimuli  simultan- 
eously with  their  neighbors. 

A  large  minority  of  the  individuals  composing  three 
families  do  not  usually  respond  to  stimuli  simultaneously 
with  their  neighbors. 

2.  Simultaneous.  A  small  majority  of  the  individuals 
composing  eleven  families  with  great  frequency  respond  to 
stimuli  simultaneously  with  neighbors. 

A  large  minority  of  the  individuals  composing  one  hun- 
dred families  with  great  frequency  respond  to  stimuli  simul- 
taneously with  neighbors. 

A  small  minority  of  the  individuals  composing  fifty-nine 
families  with  great  frequency  respond  to  stimuli  simul- 
taneously with  neighbors. 

The  total  of  one  hundred  and  forty-four  families  which 
show  little  activity  in  common  with  immediate  neighbors  is 
a  natural  one  in  a  community  that  is  so  mobile  and  so 
heterogeneous  as  this  is.  Moreover,  many  of  them  are  so 
continuously  employed  in  the  daytime  that  there  is  little 
opportunity  for  association  except  at  night.  With  many 
there  is  a  sort  of  pride  that  they  do  not  "  interfere  with 
their  neighbors."  This  may  be  a  result  of  bitter  experi- 
ence, or  of  observation  of  quarrels  between  neighbors. 
Time  and  again  have  efforts  to  learn  of  neighbors  on  the 
part  of  the  visitor  been  met  with  conscious  superiority. 
"  I  don't  have  nothin'  to  do  with  my  neighbors,"  or  "  I 
don't  interfere  with  nobody's  business"  are  expressions 
often  used.  These  families  were  conscious  that  the  less 
they  communicated  with  their  neighbors  the  happier  they 
were.  It  can  easily  be  realized  that  with  four  families  on 
a  floor  artificial  separations  must  be  rigid  if  quarrelling  is 
to-  be  avoided.  The  Americanized  families  understand  this. 

The  families  that  were  not  so  rigid  in  their  relations 


295]  LIKE  BEHAVIOR  39 

were  people  whose  economic  conditions  were  similar,  and 
who  were  of  the  same  nationality  in  the  majority  of  in- 
stances, and  sometimes  related  by  blood  or  by  marriage. 
Immigrants  that  depended  upon  the  friends  that  had  coma 
before,  and  janitors  and  the  owners  of  small  stores  on  the 
ground  floor  were  also  of  this  number.  The  latter  were 
in  and  out  of  all  the  houses  for  one  reason  and  another. 
These  families,  if  living  on  the  same  floor,  had  their  doors 
open  and  talked  from  apartment  to  apartment;  or  one 
family  was  in  the  apartment  of  another.  The  men  played 
cards  or  drank  together  in  the  evening.  The  children 
played  in  the  hall. 

The  eleven  families  that  displayed  the  greatest  simul- 
taneity of  like  action  comprised  two  sisters-in-law  who  did 
most  of  their  work  together;  two  married  sisters  living  on 
different  floors  who  ate  their  midday  meal  together  and 
assisted  each  other  in  their  work;  two  families  in  which 
both  husbands  and  both  wives  went  out  to  work  during 
the  day,  and  left  the  mother-in-law  to  care  for  the  children 
of  both  families;  and  others  more  or  less  closely  related. 

The  loo  families  that  showed  a  somewhat  less  degree 
of  simultaneity  of  like  action  included  janitors,  store- 
keepers and  peddlers.  A  large  majority  of  this  number  was 
made  up  of  friendly  families  on  the  same  floors,  especially 
in  the  Italian  houses,  where  the  people  are  so  aflame  with 
feeling  that  their  activities  fairly  melt  into  one  mass. 

Having  determined  in  some  measure  the  degree  of  simul- 
taneous like  response  in  each  house,  it  is  important  to  know 
the  simultaneity  of  like  behavior  in  the  community  as  a 
whole.  What  stimuli  appeal  to  the  whole  neighborhood, 
and  in  what  degree  does  it  respond? 

Most  of  the  stimuli  common  to  city  life  appeal  to  this 
whole  community,  but  the  responses  differ  much  in  the 
various  sections  of  the  block.  We  have  observed  the  grad- 


40  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [296 

ual  diminution  of  the  number  of  nationalities  and  the  in- 
creasing- prominence  of  two,  the  Italian  and  the  Hebrew. 
The  homogeneity  of  a  community  is  increased  through  the 
influence  of  a  common  environment,  and  through  the  in- 
troduction of  like  individuals  and  a  removal  of  the  unlike. 
Usually  environment  is  the  stronger  influence,  but  in  this 
community  the  segregation  of  nationalities  counts  for  more. 
This  subject  will  be  considered  at  length  elsewhere.  Hera 
it  is  enough  to  say  that  at  present  the  race  differences  of 
Italians  from  Hebrews  in  a  measure  resist  the  assimilat- 
ing influence  of  environment. 

Nevertheless,  the  remarkable  number  of  like  stimuli  strik- 
ing the  nerves  of  these  people  will  produce  results  in  time. 
Even  though  they  may  change  their  residence,  their  en- 
vironment is  not  greatly  altered.  Prosperity  takes  them 
gradually  to  better  localities,  but  a  new  place  of  residence 
is  usually  selected  because  their  own  people  are  there.  To 
them  city  life  is  full  of  variety  and  change.  As  a  matter 
of  fact  there  is  no  existence  so  monotonous  as  life  in  a  ten- 
ement. True,  tenement-dwellers  see  many  sights  and  hear 
many  sounds  and  are  influenced  by  many  persons  each  day 
of  their  lives,  but  each  day  the  stimuli  are  the  same;  in 
winter,  summer,  spring,  and  autumn.  And  the  people  that 
they  meet  occasionally  are  very  much  like  those  to  whom 
they  are  accustomed.  There  is  little  time  for  individual 
development,  and  so,  while  now  the  elements  composing 
this  people  are  immensely  different  in  character  and  in 
mind,  assimilation  is  inevitable.  Appreciation  of  one  an- 
other will  increase;  intermarriage  and  blending  of  char- 
acteristics will  follow,  and  similarity  of  behavior  will  be 
greater.  The  Italian  will  become  less  impulsive  in  his  re- 
sponses and  the  German  less  phlegmatic. 


CHAPTER  IV 
MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT 

IN  their  totality  responses  to  stimuli  are  the  sum 
of  animate  activity,  including-  all  voluntary  conduct. 
According  to  the  inherited  qualities  of  the  various  ele- 
ments that  make  up  a  population,  the  circumstances  of 
their  lives,  and  the  stimuli  that  most  frequently  act  upon 
them,  do  the  motives  and  the  methods  of  their  conduct  also 
vary.  A  brief  survey  of  these  methods  and  motives,  as 
revealed  in  the  human  life  of  the  group  that  we  are  here 
studying,  will  throw  light  upon  the  phenomena  that  we 
have  further  on  to  examine,  namely:  the  Types  of  Intel- 
lect, of  Character,  and  of  Mind  in  its  Totality,  the  Con- 
sciousness of  Kind,  the  Concerted  Volition,  the  Social 
Organization  and  the  resulting  Social  Welfare. 

The  term  motive  is  ambiguous.  There  is  a  general  ten- 
dency to  confuse  it  with  cause,  in  explanation  of  human 
activity.  For  instance,  so  many  actions  of  the  people  under 
consideration  arise  from  necessity  that  there  seem  to  be 
but  few  opportunities  for  choice  arising  from  motive. 
Many  are  near  the  economic  margin  of  existence.  They 
have  landed  in  this  large  city  with  little  capital,  and  have 
been  forced  to  take  up  any  kind  of  work  that  offered.  It 
would  seem  that  in  their  cases  the  necessity  for  food  and 
shelter  would  exclude  all  choice  from  their  lives.  Yet 
even  in  this  community  every  individual  is  compelled  in  a 
degree  to  choose,  and  to  choose  wisely  or  fail.  The  physi- 
cal constitution  of  every  foreigner  that  lands  upon  our 
297]  41 


42  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [298 

shores  forces  him  to  look  about  and  find  that  in  which  he 
can  find  a  degree  of  pleasure  and  a  measure  of  success. 
The  Jew  whose  life  has  been  spent  upon  the  marts  of  Lon- 
don or  Berlin  would  die  of  physical  exhaustion  and  dis- 
content were  he  to  become  a  hod-carrier.  He  avoids  the 
builders  and  chooses  to  learn  of  American  life  in  the  tailor- 
shops  and  in  the  markets. 

In  this  study,  then,  we  are  concerned  with  those  motives 
of  each  family  that  cause  the  several  members  to  prefer 
one  sort  of  activity  rather  than  another;  with  the  reasons 
why  they  participate  in  certain  pleasures  and  not  in  others, 
and  with  the  stimuli  that  operate  in  their  choice  of  certain 
occupations  to  the  exclusion  of  others. 

MOTIVES  OF  APPRECIATION 

We  begin  with  an  account  of  motives  that  are  revealed 
in  that  subjective  side  of  all  practical  activity  which  in 
Professor  Giddings'  sociological  system  is  called  apprecia- 
tion. This  is  the  mind's  grasp  and  estimate  of  the  sur- 
roundings in  which  it  finds  itself,  blended  with  feelings  of 
liking  or  of  disliking.  It  is  the  process  of  getting  used  to 
the  world  in  which  one  lives.  "  The  process  consists  partly 
in  acquiring  knowledge.  With  the  knowledge,  however,  is 
mixed  a  great  deal  of  liking  and  disliking.  With  every 
act  of  learning  some  degree  of  preferential  feeling  is  com- 
bined. In  a  rough  way  every  person  and  everything  that 
is  brought  into  the  widening  circle  of  acquaintance  is  val- 
ued, and  is  assigned  a  place  in  a  scale  of  values." 

The  motives  of  appreciation  are  pains  and  pleasures  of 
one  and  another  kind.  The  motives  that  have  been  ob- 
served and  recorded  in  this  study  are  the  pleasures  that 
appeal  in  various  degrees  to  the  people  whose  elementary 
mental  processes  have  been  described  in  the  foregoing  chap- 
ter. We  have  asked  what  pleasures  are  preferred  and  why. 


299]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OP  CONDUCT  4, 

These  pleasures  may  psychologically  be  classified  as  fol- 
lows: 

1.  Pleasures  of  Physical  Activity,   Receptive  Sensation 
and  Simple  Ideation. 

2.  Pleasures  of  Sense,  Idea  and  Emotion. 

3.  Pleasures  of  Emotion  and  Belief. 

4.  Pleasures  of  Thought. 

Classification  of  the  families  of  our  community  in  ac- 
cordance with  these  gradations  of  pleasure  is  the  beginning 
of  their  arrangement  under  the  types  of  Character  and  of 
Mind.  The  evidence  offered  here  will,  therefore,  be  re- 
ferred to  in  later  chapters,  since  all  elements  of  mind  are 
so  closely  related  that  a  fact  proved  concerning  one  con- 
tributes to  the  understanding  of  all. 

Pleasures  of  Thought.  Few  families  in  this  block  have 
an  intellectual  interest  in  their  environment.  Emotion  en- 
ters so  strongly  into  some  apparently  intellectual  motives 
that  it  is  difficult  to  be  certain  whether  in  any  given  in- 
stance we  have  to  do  with  emotion  or  with  intellect.  For 
instance,  family  155  has  its  front  room  decorated  with 
pictures.  For  the  best  one  the  husband  said  that  he  paid 
twenty-five  dollars.  The  picture  is  a  fairly  good  oil  paint- 
ing of  an  ocean-liner  plowing  her  way  through  the  waves 
of  mid-ocean.  The  expenditure  of  so  large  a  sum  of 
money  for  a  picture  is  unusual  among  families  in  this 
region,  and  is  in  itself  an  indication  of  something  more 
than  mere  emotion.  The  good  taste  displayed  in  the  selec- 
tion of  the  picture  is  proof  of  some  degree  of  critical  judg- 
ment, and  an  increasing  appreciation  was  shown  by  the 
husband's  remark  that  he  would  not  take  fifty  dollars  for 
it  now.  In  this  family  the  husband  is  of  French-German 
parentage  and  the  wife  is  an  intelligent  Irishwoman. 

Family  158  includes  a  brother  and  sister  past  middle 
age.  The  sister  is  skilled  in  various  kinds  of  fancy  work 


44  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [300 

and  takes  a  keen  interest  in  oil  painting,  which  she  studied 
when  the  family  was  in  better  financial  condition.  Here 
also  is  a  clear  case  of  a  degree  of  aesthetic  pleasure. 

Tenement  219  has  a  case  of  critical,  though  limited, 
interest  in  art.  Its  occupant  is  a  woman  who  lives  by  her- 
self and  who,  like  family  158,  is  of  the  "cast  down" 
class — i.  e.,  one  that  has  been  pushed  down  from  some 
higher  stratum  of  society.  She  has  a  fairly  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  music,  both  vocal  and  instrumental.  Owing  to 
her  straitened  circumstances  her  pleasures  are  eccentric. 
Her  constant  companions  are  a  white  rat  and  a  large  cat. 
These  two  animals  are  much  attached  to  her  and  to  each 
other.  At  present  the  woman  is  concerned  about  the  rat 
because  it  sometimes  falls  into  convulsions,  due,  as  a  doctor 
told  her,  to  "  consumption."  These  eccentricities  would 
seem  to  bear  out  the  common  observation  that  it  is  either 
the  dullest  or  the  most  sensitive  persons  that  are  most  likely 
under  the  stress  of  life  to  lose  self-control  and  mental  bal- 
ance. Here  is  an  example  of  a  highly  sensitive  woman  just 
able  to  keep  herself  within  the  bounds  of  sanity. 

In  addition  to  those  persons  that  are  unable  to  satisfy 
their  highest  aesthetic  desires  are  those  others  who,  climb- 
ing up  the  social  ladder,  are  reaching  out  for  intellectual 
pleasures.  House  235  offers  instances.  The  younger  occu- 
pants, urged  on  by  the  older  ones,  who  feel  their  deficien- 
cies, are  engaging  in  the  study  of  music  and  literature. 
Some  families  have  pianos,  upon  which  the  children  take 
lessons  twice  a  week  at  fifty  cents  a  lesson.  They  use  the 
libraries  frequently  and  show  a  real  interest  in  good  liter- 
ature. 

The  better  theatres  appeal  to  a  few  of  these  families, 
and  a  criticism  of  certain  plays  by  one  of  the  Jewish  girls 
was  intelligent. 

Pleasures  of  Emotion  and  Belief.     These  pleasures  are 


301  ]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT  45 

most  general  among  those  who  still  retain  a  degree  of 
loyalty  to  the  church.  They  are  chiefly  to  be  found  among 
Roman  Catholics  but  there  are  also  a  few  Hebrews  whose 
loyalty  amounts  to  a  pleasure  in  belief.  There  is  not  one 
family,  however,  whose  pleasure  in  belief  could  be  classed 
as  intense.  The  tendency  to  religious  beliefs  is  not  strong. 
Few  families  are  greatly  controlled  by  religious  principles. 
The  beliefs  most  persistent  among  them,  when  once  they 
gain  foothold,  are  those  of  the  socialistic  type.  The  ideal 
of  the  socialist  promises  so  great  a  relief  from  the  oppres- 
sive industrial  conditions  under  which  wage-earners  are 
living  that  this  appeal  is  often  more  alluring  than  any  that 
the  church  has  to  offer.  But  there  are  very  few  out-and- 
out  socialists  in  this  community. 

Pleasures  of  Sense,  or  of  Sense,  Idea  and  Emotion  (in 
combination)  are  the  prevailing  pleasures  of  the  block. 

By  pleasures  of  sense  are  meant  those  that  appeal  largely 
to  the  physical  nature — pleasures  of  appetite  and  of  bodily 
feeling.  Pleasures  of  combined  sense,  idea  and  emotion 
are  those  nervous  and  mental  activities  that  are  sufficiently 
intense  to  be  exciting,  but  not  immediately  exhausting. 
The}r  have  various  stimuli.  The  rhythm  of  music,  the 
bright  colors  of  pictures,  unusual  sounds  or  sights,  start- 
ling statements,  the  uncertainty  of  chance,  conflict,  with 
an  exciting  uncertainty  as  to  the  result,  are  examples. 

Of  all  the  different  amusements  possible  to  tenement- 
dwellers  there  is  none  that  appeals  to  both  sense  and  emo- 
tion so  strongly  as  dancing,  especially  dancing  as  conducted 
on  the  East  Side,  to  the  wild  music  of  blaring  cornet  and 
loud-beaten  drum,  with  rattling  sounds  from  a  guitar  and 
mandolin.  While  the  completeness  with  which  the  dance 
combines  the  two  elements  of  sense  and  emotion  is  the  chief 
reason  for  its  preeminence  as  a  social  pleasure  in  this  neigh- 
borhood, there  are  other  reasons  also,  such  as  inexpensive- 
ness  and  the  fact  that  many  different  classes  can  participate. 


46  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [302 

Games  of  chance  are  very  popular.  This  street  has  one 
policy  shop  on  the  ground  floor  of  217.  According  to  a 
colored  woman  who  has  lived  a  long  time  in  the  block, 
there  is  little  doubt  that  most  of  the  boys  in  the  street  know 
about  the  place.  That  this  woman  herself  is  familiar  with 
it  indicates  that  it  is  widely  known,  for  she  is  half  a  block 
away  from  it,  and  there  is  no  sign  by  which  it  can  be  iden- 
tified. When  the  visitor  knocked  at  the  door  he  was  totally 
unaware  of  the  nature  of  the  place.  The  young  man  who 
came  out  in  response  to  the  knock  was  better  dressed  than 
the  people  of  the  neighborhood.  Upon  being  asked  why 
he  lived  among  such  poor  people,  he  answered  in  a  very 
humble  tone  that  he  was  just  starting  out  in  life. 

This  shop  is  opened  at  about  half-pjst  six  in  the  morning, 
in  time  to  catch  men  on  their  way  to  work.  The  charges 
are  two  cents  for  a  "  gig,"  three  for  a  "  saddle,"  and  five 
for  a  "  combination."  These  terms,  "  gig,"  "  saddle  "  and 
"  combination,"  denote  varying  degrees  of  chance  of  win- 
ning money  prizes  in  the  general  drawing,  which,  in  some 
mysterious  manner,  is  supposed  to  be  done  in  New  Orleans 
or  in  Mexico. 

There  is  scarcely  a  nationality  that  does  not  indulge  in 
this  form  of  gambling,  but  the  Italians  are  probably  the 
most  addicted  to  it. 

In  house  parties,  such  as  those  given  at  the  Settlement, 
games  with  the  element  of  chance  and  excitement  in  them 
are  a  never-failing  source  of  enjoyment.  Another  requisite 
of  any  game  is  that  it  make  little  demand  upon  thought. 
Card-playing  is  common,  but  the  games  most  popular  are 
the  easy  ones.  Especially  is  this  true  among  the  Italians, 
as  is  well  illustrated  by  the  remark  of  one  of  them :  "  I 
don't  like  pinocle;  it  keeps  your  head  down  too  long." 
This  attitude  regarding  amusements  is  characteristic  of  the 
East  Side,  Continuity  of  attention  and  concentration  of 


303]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT  47 

effort  are  intolerable  there.  This  fact  should  influence  the 
whole  of  the  work  of  education  and  culture  on  the  East 
Side. 

The  entertainments  that  appeal  to  these  people  are  for 
the  most  part  made  up  of  buffoonery,  burlesque,  and  in- 
anities in  general.  There  are  various  appeals  to  the 
pathetic  side,  however — songs  concerning  childhood  scenes, 
recollections  of  the  old  home,  love  of  mother,  and  descrip- 
tions of  heroic  deeds,  conveyed  to  the  audience  by  means 
of  stereopticon  views,  in  song,  or  by  dramatic  sketches. 

Next  to  the  dancing-hall,  the  saloon  is  probably  the 
greatest  centre  of  amusement  and  social  life.  The  saloons, 
however,  entertain  only  the  male  population,  and  do  not, 
therefore,  appeal  to  the  entire  community.  But  the  fact 
that  they  are  open  nearly  all  the  time,  and  not  merely  on 
certain  evenings,  increases  the  relative  influence  of  the 
saloons.  This  is  further  widened  by  what  is  termed  in  the 
community  "  rushing  the  growler."  The  carrying  of 
buckets  of  beer  into  the  tenement-house  is  a  frequent  occur- 
rence. The  social  drinking  of  beer,  and  of  a  wine  that 
families  make  for  themselves,  is  a  large  factor  in  the  daily 
life  of  these  people. 

The  religious  services  upon  which  many  persons  of  each 
nationality  are,  of  course,  in  constant  attendance,  appeal 
largely  to  the  emotions.  The  Italians,  however,  seem  to 
delight  more  in  their  holiday  fireworks,  the  burning  of 
powder  and  candles  with  loud  noises  and  flashing  flames, 
than  they  do  in  any  church  service.  One  priest  said  of 
them  that  in  their  July  celebration  they  burn  $3,000  in 
useless  smoke,  and  supply  their  priest  with  enough  candles 
for  a  year;  while  they  will  not  give  more  than  $200  for 
real  service. 

The  Jews  assemble  in  their  synagogues  and  take  great 
pleasure  in  listening  to  the  weekly  chanting  by  the  rabbi. 


48  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [304 

This  man  stands  in  the  middle  of  the  room,  swaying  back- 
ward and  forward,  the  audience  doing  likewise,  and  so  the 
more  completely  giving  itself  up  to  his  control,  both  bodily 
and  in  feeling. 

Elementary  Pleasures.  Pleasures  of  physical  activity, 
receptive  sensation  and  simple  ideation  include  muscular 
activity,  mere  satisfaction  of  physical  appetites,  and  ele- 
mentary mental  processes,  such  as  assertion  of  convictions, 
commanding,  obeying,  enduring,  daring,  and  fearing. 

The  managers  of  the  music  halls  and  continued  perform- 
ances show  their  complete  knowledge  of  their  clientele  in 
that  they  never  fail  to  introduce  feats  of  physical  prowess. 
So  accurate  is  their  estimate  that  a  fairly  good  idea  of  the 
relation  of  the  emotional  to  the  physical  pleasures  of  the 
neighborhood  can  be  obtained  from  the  proportion  in 
which  these  are  combined  in  the  average  East  Side  vaude- 
ville show. 

Gymnasiums  never  fail  to  attract  large  crowds.  But 
even  here  we  see  the  leaning  towards  emotional  pleasures. 
This  is  shown  in  the  preference  for  boxing  and  wrestling, 
which  are  preeminently  interesting  because  chance  and  ex- 
citement enter  so  strongly  into  them.  The  champion  in 
these  contests  is  the  hero  of  the  community,  especially  of 
that  part  which  delights  in  physical  pleasure.  Mere  phys- 
ical strength  in  itself,  or  even  strength  displayed  in  the 
exercise  of  routine  labor,  has  little  attraction. 

The  proportion  of  the  community  preferring  each  of 
these  four  general  classes  of  pleasures  is  as  follows :  In 
38  families  the  dominant  motives  of  appreciation  are  the 
most  elementary  pleasures,  and  this  is  true  of  individual 
members  in  73  other  families.  In  170  families  the  dom- 
inant motives  of  appreciation  are  pleasures  of  sense,  idea 
and  emotion,  and  this  is  true  of  individual  members  of  33 
other  families.  In  six  famines  the  dominant  motives  of 


305]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT  49 

appreciation  are  pleasures  of  emotion  and  belief,  and  these 
are  subordinate  motives  in  individual  members  of  84  other 
families.  In  no  case  are  pleasures  of  thought  clearly  pre- 
dominant, though  they  enter  as  subordinate  motives  into 
the  conduct  of  a  few  individuals. 

In  the  foregoing  paragraphs  we  have  attempted  merely 
to  set  forth  those  motives  that  were  found  to  operate  in 
general  in  this  people's  appreciation  of  their  social  and 
material  environment,  and  which  are  correlated  with  types 
of  emotional  nature  and  of  intellect.  A  few  words  more 
will  suffice  to  set  forth  all  that  can  be  said  on  the 
economic  and  moral  motives  that  are  correlated  with  types 
of  disposition  and  of  character. 

MOTIVES    OF    UTILIZATION 

A  large  majority  of  the  families  in  this  block  are  in- 
fluenced by  the  sense  of  appetite  in  their  search  and  de- 
mand for  food  and  pleasures.  These  people  are  so 
frugal  and  industrious  that  but  few  are  urged  on  by  the 
motive  of  absolute  need.  Some  in  full  health,  strong  of 
body  and  active  in  spirit  are  moved  by  a  sense  of  power 
and  a  passion  to  exercise  it.  A  few  are  controlled  by 
rational  desire,  indicated  by  their  struggles  for  the  educa- 
tion of  their  children  in  the  courses  in  music,  and  in 
art.  The  majority  of  these  are  of  Jewish  families. 

Making  the  distribution  somewhat  more  precise,  we  can 
say,  with  a  close  approach  to  accuracy,  that  in  thirteen 
families  dwelling  in  this  block  the  dominant  economic 
motive  is  need,  and  that  it  is  a  subordinate  motive  in  29 
families;  that  appetite  is  the  dominant  economic  motive 
in  181  families,  and  a  subordinate  motive  in  12;  that  love 
of  power  is  the  dominant  economic  motive  in  2  families 
and  a  subordinate  motive  in  1 10  families,  and  that  rational 
desire  is  the  dominant  economic  motive  in  2  families,  and 
a  subordinate  motive  in  22  families. 


50  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [306 

MOTIVES   OF   CHARACTERIZATION 

The  dominant  moral  motive  of  an  ordinarily  intelli- 
gent person,  not  too  much  controlled  by  religious  man- 
dates is,  more  or  less  unconsciously,  the  desire  for  com- 
plete development.  This  is  more  true,  however,  of  the 
deliberative  individual  than  of  the  impulsive.  The  latter 
is  likely  to  be  controlled  by  new  desires,  and  when 
neglected  desires  rise  into  power,  he  rushes  into  ex- 
cesses. American  manners,  dress,  industrial  conditions, 
all  give  rise  to  new  desires  in  the  heart  of  the  immi- 
grant, and  many  families  in  this  block  have  been  classified 
as  largely  dominated  by  them.  But  the  largest  proportion 
is  classified  with  those  that  are  controlled  by  the  authority 
of  the  integral  personality.  This  is  an  unconscious  yearn- 
ing for  complete  development  along  all  lines — physical, 
mental,  and  moral.  The  Jews,  with  their  calculating  and 
discriminating  disposition,  form  a  large  part  of  this  class. 
They  are  generally  obedient  to  the  demands  of  the  larger 
life.  They  are  careful  of  their  bodies  and  of  their  minds. 
They  hasten  to  obtain  all  available  things  that  contribute  to 
their  development.  Very  few  families  in  this  block  have 
any  conception  of  proportion  in  life,  and  none  has  been 
recorded  as  chiefly  dominated  by  this  Platonic  motive. 

The  record  of  observation  on  this  subject  is  as  follows: 
In  one  family  only,  hitherto-neglected  desires,  reasserting 
their  power,  are  the  dominant  moral  motive;  in  five  fami- 
lies they  are  a  subordinate  motive.  In  58  families  new- 
desires  are  the  dominant,  in  132  families  they  are  a  sub- 
ordinate moral  motive.  In  150  families  a  sense  of  the 
authority  of  an  integral  personality,  a  larger  life,  is  the 
dominant,  in  58  families  it  is  a  subordinate  moral  motiva 


307]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT  5I 

METHODS  OF  APPRECIATION 

From  this  survey  of  the  motives  of  conduct  we  turn  to 
a  consideration  of  its  methods.  And  first  we  have  to  ob- 
serve those  purely  subjective  methods  that  are  modes  of 
approach  or  of  reception,  whereby  the  mind  grasps  and 
estimates  the  world  about  it,  and  allows  itself  to  like  or 
to  dislike.  These  are  the  methods  of  appreciation,  and  their 
gradations  correspond  to  those  gradations  of  the  motives 
of  appreciation  that  have  been  set  forth,  and  to  gradations 
of  emotional  and  intellectual  development,  to  be  dealt  with 
later  on. 

Methods  of  appreciation  are  of  four  general  groups. 
They  are  here  arranged  in  an  ascending  series. 

The  simplest  is  that  of  instinctive  response  to  stimulus. 
No  one  can  escape  this  recognition  of  his  environment. 
There  is  in  a  sense  an  intrusion  of  the  environment  upon 
the  individual  responding,  though  he  himself  is  not  con- 
scious of  either  stimulus  or  response. 

When  the  individual  displays  an  interest  in  affairs  about 
him,  and  desires  to  know  more  concerning  them,  he  has 
arrived  at  another  state  of  appreciation,  whose  method  is 
that  of  curious  inspection. 

When  this  general  interest  takes  a  specific  form  and 
preference  is  manifested,  he  may  be  said  to  have  reached 
a  state  of  preferential  attention. 

But  the  highest  point  of  appreciation  is  not  reached  until 
the  method  of  critical  inspection  is  adopted.  At  this  period 
the  individual  is  eager  to  learn  about  all  things,  but  he 
arrives  at  conclusions  only  after  a  critical  examination 
which  involves  comparison  and  analysis. 

One  of  the  important  indications  relied  on  for  purposes 
of  classification  under  these  four  heads  has  been  the  man- 
ner of  response  to  questions  put  by  the  visitor  at  the  time 
of  investigation.  If  the  family  answered  without  any  ap- 


52  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [308 

pearance  of  curiosity,  it  was  taken  as  strong  evidence  that 
its  relation  to  its  neighbors  would  lack  that  cordial  interest 
which  leads  to  acquaintance.  The  friendships  of  such  a 
family  grow  only  through  the  advances  of  others.  If  its 
members  were  curious  and  asked  questions,  a  tendency 
toward  the  second  method — that  of  curious  inspection — 
was  held  to  be  present.  But  the  case  was  never  rested  at 
this  point.  Other  evidence  was  sought,  that  the  classifica- 
tion might  not  be  too  hastily  made.  If  the  family  showed 
a  keen  interest  in  any  special  phase  of  the  investigation  it 
was  assumed  that  a  preferential  attention  prevailed.  The 
attitude  toward  this  investigation  was,  however,  not  always 
natural,  and  seldom  ever  so  at  first.  This  fact  has  been 
taken  into  consideration  in  determining  the  method  of  ap- 
preciation assigned  in  each  case.  There  are  obvious  reasons, 
however,  why  the  novelty  of  the  investigation  should  be  all 
the  better  test  of  curiosity  and  preferential  attention.  If, 
in  spite  of  the  novelty,  no  curiosity  was  revealed,  the  clas- 
sification was  not  difficult  to  make.  On  the  other  hand, 
this  very  novelty  might  arouse  some  natures  to  an  un- 
natural degree  of  curiosity.  So  that  in  making  the  final 
classification  many  other  facts  had  to  be  considered.  The 
most  important  of  these  were  national  characteristics,  the 
effect  of  occupation  upon  the  mind,  the  conditions  of  resi- 
dence, and  the  ambition  and  personal  interest — emotional 
or  otherwise — of  each  individual. 

In  86  families  instinctive  response  to  stimulus  was  found 
to  be  the  dominant  method  of  appreciation,  and  in  93  fami- 
lies it  was  judged  to  be  an  important  subordinate  method. 

The  families  of  this  group  are  ignorant,  although  a  large 
majority  of  them  have  been  for  some  time  in  this  country. 
This  seems  a  strange  condition,  but  it  will  be  understood 
when  it  is  explained  that  many  persons  in  this  class  were 
found  to  be  deficient  in  natural  ability,  or  very  old,  or  to 


309]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT  53 

belong  among  those  unfortunates  that  have  missed  oppor- 
tunities to  advance  in  life. 

A  reference  to  the  wretched  condition  of  the  Irish  on 
the  lower  West  Side,  from  Bleecker  street  down  to  the 
Battery,  will  make  the  composition  of  this  group  more 
clear.  In  the  West  Side  district  the  general  standard  of 
life  and  the  type  of  mind  are  much  lower  than  on  the  East 
Side,  though  the  people  of  the  East  Side  have  more  re- 
cently come  to  this  country.  The  explanation  is  that  a 
process  of  selection  has  taken  place,  the  more  thrifty  hav- 
ing left  the  lower  West  Side  and  gone  to  better  sections, 
leaving  the  dull  behind  to  work  when  they  must  and  eat 
when  they  can.  The  deficiency  of  ambition  in  the  original 
endowment  of  these  drones  becomes  more  marked  with 
time,  while  their  natural  carelessness  asserts  itself  with  in- 
creasing frequency,  until  they  take  no  interest  in  anything 
and  care  only  that  they  exist. 

This  decline  of  interest  in  life  is  due  to  several  causes. 
Some  of  these  people  are  naturally  indifferent  to  their  sur- 
roundings so  long  as  their  few  desires  are  satisfied. 

To  this  class  belongs  the  group  now  under  consideration 
in  our  investigation.  They  have  been  on  the  upper  East 
Side  section  of  the  city,  see-sawing  between  I25th  and 
looth  streets  from  ten  to  twenty-five  years.  Everything 
about  them  has  become  commonplace  and  they  are  content 
to  move  on  in  the  same  old  rut.  When  "  times  are  lively  " 
the  men  work,  and,  if  the  wage  be  good,  better  rooms  are 
sought  or  more  beer  is  drunk.  When  the  "  times  are  bad  " 
they  live  on,  sometimes  in  daily  expectation  of  ejection 
from  their  apartments,  availing  themselves  of  every  makes- 
shift  possible  in  a  large  city  like  this,  such  as  odd  jobs, 
help  from  various  charitable  institutions,  church  aid,  credit 
with  the  neighboring  tradesmen,  borrowing,  and  moving 
from  house  to  house  to  avoid  paying  rent. 


54  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [3IO 

But  there  are  individuals  of  this  class  whose  intellect 
and  emotions  have  been  dulled  by  hardship  and  depriva- 
tion. Such  a  family  is  No.  — .  This  family  came  from 
England.  The  husband  is  an  able-bodied  stone-mason,  who 
works  whenever  he  can.  But  since  the  day  of  his  marriage 
he  seems  to  have  been  unfortunate.  Eight  children  have 
been  born  to  the  family,  one  of  whom  is  living,  a  one- 
legged  boy  of  eight,  who  is  bright  and  full  of  mischief. 
The  story  of  sickness,  death  and  privation,  which  has  been 
the  lot  of  the  family,  is  a  sad  one.  The  woman,  of  sor- 
rowful countenance  and  untidy  appearance,  may  be  seen 
in  her  rooms  brooding  over  the  past.  The  father  spends 
his  days  on  a  street-corner,  near  a  saloon,  smoking  his 
pipe.  The  corner  which  he  selects  is  not  the  one  nearest 
his  home,  but  two  blocks  above,  where  the  people  are  of  his 
kind.  Near  this  corner  the  boy  also  spends  most  of  his  time, 
getting  about  upon  one  leg  and  a  crutch  almost  as  rapidly 
as  other  boys.  His  ability  to  care  for  himself  in  a  fight, 
in  "  shooting  craps,"  or  in  games,  is  a  fair  indication  of 
natural  ability  which  has  been  stunted  in  the  parents. 

The  approximate  number  of  families  whose  response  to 
stimuli  is  mainly  instinctive  is  23.  These  families  have 
little  regard  for  the  state  of  things  about  them.  They  are 
self-centered  and  rarely  visit  their  neighbors.  Sixty-three 
other  families  learn  of  the  condition  of  neighborhood  affairs 
only  as  some  unusual  event  compels  their  attention.  To 
a  less  extent  the  same  is  true  of  93  other  families. 

In  109  families  curious  inspection  is  the  dominant 
method  of  appreciation,  and  in  90  more  it  is  an  important 
subordinate  method. 

Curious  inspection  is  the  habit  of  both  the  Italians  and 
the  Hebrews,  though  these  two  races  display  their  interest 
in  different  ways.  Emotional  people  are  usually  thought 
to  be  curious,  but  this  is  not  always  true.  The  Irish  are 


3n]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT  55 

emotional,  but  they  are  heedless  as  to  what  is  going  on 
about  them.  The  curiosity  of  the  Italians  and  the  Jews 
manifests  itself  in  their  consciousness  of  others  and  in  a  keen 
desire  to  know  about  them.  The  Italians  are  the  latest 
arrivals  in  these  cramped  tenements.  They  have  come 
from  a  land  of  sunshine  to  a  land  of  climatic  extremes,  and  to 
a  city  government  of  alternating  laxity  and  legal  restraint. 
Their  curiosity  often  expends  itself  in  acts  of  disorder  and 
law-breaking,  prompted  by  the  desire  to  see  how  far  they 
can  go  in  this  land  of  the  free. 

Jewish  curiosity  is  not  so  apparent  in  a  crowd  as  it  is 
in  response  to  questions.  "  For  vat  you  vant  to  know?" 
they  ask  of  the  detective  and  of  all  who  come  to  ask  them 
anything  that  they  do  not  understand.  The  Jew  usually 
manifests  a  higher  form  of  curiosity  than  that  of  the 
Italians. 

While  curiosity  is  the  usual  attitude  toward  the  en- 
vironment, it  is  yet  less  intense  than  one  would  expect. 
It  is  at  first  a  source  of  considerable  surprise  that  these 
people,  who  have  been  several  times  questioned  at  some 
length,  rarely  recognize  the  questioner  on  the  street.  Very 
few  of  them  have  ever  spoken  to  him  or  showed  any  signs 
that  they  recognize  him  though  he  has  often  met  them, 
and  has  even  stared  at  them  with  the  intention  of  arrest- 
ing their  attention.  Very  few  of  them,  in  fact,  remem- 
bered, even  when  he  was  in  their  house,  that  he  had  been 
there  before.  This  is  partly  due  to  the  frequency  of  in- 
vestigations in  the  tenement  district.  So  many  impressions 
are  made  that  their  minds  are  confused.  But  this  is  not 
all.  In  various  ways  they  have  been  narrowed  in  their 
interests.  The  stress  of  life  has  diminished  their  sense  of 
curiosity.  This  conclusion  is,  then,  to  be  taken  as  a  cor- 
rection of  the  first  estimate  made  concerning  the  strength 
of  this  method  of  appreciation. 


56  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [312 

Thirty-two  families  evince  the  degree  of  curiosity  to  be 
expected  of  those  who  have  settled  in  a  new  country. 

In  77  more  families  curiosity  is  nearly  as  strong,  but 
many  of  these  have  been  long  enough  in  this  part  of  the 
city  for  things  to  have  become  commonplace  to  them,  while 
others  show  but  little  interest  in  their  neighbors. 

Through  education  and  easier  conditions  74  families  are 
gradually  awakening  to  a  wider  appreciation,  though  most 
of  their  time  must  be  spent  in  mere  drudgery. 

For  1 6  families  life  is  nearly  all  work,  and  curiosity, 
though  manifested,  is  correspondingly  low. 

Preferential  attention  is  a  dominant  method  of  ap- 
preciation in  only  three  families.  It  is  a  subordinate 
method  in  50. 

Preferential  attention  is  largely  dependent  upon  economic 
prosperity.  As  a  rule,  those  families  that  are  comfortably 
supplied  with  the  necessaries  of  life,  whose  occupations 
leave  them  physical  and  mental  energy  to  devote  to  other 
things,  are  more  or  less  able  to  develop  preferences.  At 
this  stage  those  members  of  the  family  who  work  begin  to 
be  particular  in  their  selection  of  an  occupation,  while 
each  individual  chooses  his  pleasures  and  associates  with 
some  degree  of  discrimination.  The  totals  given  above 
show  that  such  persons  are  not  numerous  in  this  com- 
munity. Three  families  only  gave  evidence  of  distinct  pref- 
erences. The  individuals  comprising  them  were  above  the 
average  in  ability.  In  fact,  they  were  not  of  any  class 
found  on  this  street.  The  man  of  the  family  first  visited 
showed  a  keen  interest  in  political  affairs.  It  required  long 
argument  to  prove  to  him  that  this  investigation  was  not 
connected  with  a  political  scheme.  In  the  course  of  the 
discussion  he  revealed  a  number  of  preferences.  In  the 
second  family  visited  the  man  of  the  house  was  a  profes- 
sional gambler,  and  his  attention  was  centered  in  his  occu- 


313]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT  57 

pation.  The  third  family  was  composed  of  a  brother  and 
sister — born  in  Canada — who  had  very  firm  convictions  as 
to  their  manner  of  life  and  occupation. 

In  a  sense,  preferential  attention  is  a  step  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  dogmatic-emotional  type  of  mind.  In  the 
account  of  that  type  in  a  subsequent  chapter  mention  will 
be  made  of  some  strong  preferences  displayed  by  the  Jews. 
These  may  be  taken  as  a  correction  of  the  totals  given 
above. 

No  examples  were  found  in  this  investigation  that  could 
with  certainty  be  recorded  as  instances  of  appreciation 
through  critical  inspection. 

METHODS  OF  UTILIZATION 

The  methods  whereby  men  utilize  their  environment, 
adapting  it  to  their  needs,  and  making  both  inanimate 
things  and  their  fellow-beings  serve  their  wants  are: 
attack;  instigation,  and  the  response  thereto  in  imitation; 
direction,  largely  by  means  of  the  mental  power  of  a  strong 
will  to  impress  a  weak  one;  and,  lastly,  invention. 

People  living  in  a  city  block  are  commonly  above  the 
rude  methods  of  attack  whereby  brutes  and  savages  gain 
a  livelihood.  Yet  a  measure  of  it  is  sometimes  seen  in 
connection  with  other  forces.  The  lower  classes  of  labor- 
ers engaged  in  the  simplest  and  roughest  work  of  handling 
material  in  the  raw  state  seem  at  times  to  exist  by  mere 
brute  force. 

The  imitative  instinct  prevails.  The  foreign-born  fol- 
low the  example  of  those  who  have  been  in  the  country 
longer,  and,  being  of  the  lower  economic  strata,  they  look 
for  methods  of  procedure  to  those  who  have  attained  a 
position  which  they  hope  to  reach.  The  directive  method 
is  often  seen  in  the  house  into  which  the  immigrants  enter. 
The  naturalized  elements  take  on  a  directive  attitude  toward 


58  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK 

the  new-comers,  and  use  them  for  their  own  profit.  But 
it  is  not  those  that  are  directive  in  "this  rather  artificial 
sense  that  are  here  recorded  as  such,  but  rather  those  who 
are  naturally  leaders,  strong  and  commanding  in  mind 
or  body. 

In  1 8  families  those  more  brutal  methods  of  utilization 
that  approximate  closely  to  savage  attack  were  obvious 
enough  to  indicate  that  they  would  dominate  economic  con- 
duct, but  for  the  restraints  of  a  civilized  environment.  In 
86  families  these  methods,  still  apparent,  were  further  sub- 
ordinated. In  174  families  imitation  is  the  dominant  eco- 
nomic method,  and  in  17  others  an  important  subordinate 
method.  In  six  families  direction  of  others  asserts  itself 
as  the  dominant  method,  and  in  27  families  as  a  subor- 
dinate method. 

METHODS  OF  CHARACTERIZATION 

By  the  practical  activity  of  characterization  is  meant  the 
adjustment  of  the  individual  to  his  environment,  which 
becomes  necessary  when  he  can  no  further  adapt  the  en- 
vironment to  himself,  and  the  resulting  moulding  of  char- 
acter. The  methods  of  characterization  are:  persistence, 
accommodation,  self-denial,  and  self-control. 

In  a  community  largely  composed  of  immigrants,  accom- 
modation is  naturally  the  prevailing  mode  of  characteriza- 
tion. The  conditions  about  them  are  strange,  and  they 
must  adapt  their  mode  of  life  to  them.  Their  relation  to 
the  landlords,  the  employers,  the  government,  and  the  people 
about  them,  have  little  in  common  with  corresponding  re- 
lations in  their  native  land.  It  is  likely  that  the  Russian 
Jews  find  the  greatest  differences  between  their  new  life 
and  the  old.  Life  "within  the  pale"  to  which  the  Jew  in 
Russia  is  limited  and  the  freedom  in  this  country  are  at 
opposite  extremes.  Within  the  pale  the  individual  Jew 


315]          MOTIVES  AND  METHODS  OF  CONDUCT  59 

is  perfectly  free  from  the  direct  action  of  the  government. 
Government  oppression  falls  upon  the  community  as  a  whole, 
and  the  individual  is  not  conscious  of  it  as  coming  from  the 
government,  but  as  an  act  of  Providence  which  cannot  be 
avoided.  The  Jews'  impression  of  American  freedom  is  at 
first  very  peculiar.  They  are  confused  by  it.  In  Russia 
they  could  dress  and  worship  as  they  pleased;  here  they 
find  that  they  must  conform  to  the  American  customs  or 
be  the  object  of  unpleasant  ridicule.  The  government  deals 
directly  with  the  individual,  and  in  our  larger  cities  munic- 
ipal control  often  seems  paternal  to  them.  They  conclude 
that  the  freedom  which  they  sought  is  not  here.  Through 
the  process  of  accommodation  they  gradually  take  up  our 
customs  and  the  real  meaning  of  our  institutions  dawns 
upon  them. 

The  Jew  is  ever  ready  to  adopt  the  best  in  the  system  of 
others  in  order  to  be  successful.  Even  his  reputed  per- 
sistence in  religion  gives  way  to  accommodation  for  the 
sake  of  more  useful  ends.  His  desire  for  superiority,  in 
whatever  realm  he  chooses,  is  the  motive  of  all  his  activi- 
ties; for  this  he  accommodates  his  own  manners  to  those 
of  others,  for  this  he  denies  himself.  His  natural  inclina- 
tions are  controlled  to  suit  the  end  which  he  wishes  to 
accomplish. 

The  Irish  and  American  families  of  this  block  are  either 
of  the  higher  class  in  which  self-control  prevails,  or  of  that 
in  which  accommodation  is  the  method  of  characterization. 
Too  often  it  is  the  latter,  for  they  are  willing  to  accept 
conditions  as  they  are  rather  than  to  struggle,  deny  them- 
selves, and  attain  to  better  conditions.  This  is  especially 
true  of  the  "  left-over  "  class,  which  has  been  deserted  by 
the  more  ambitious  Irish  and  American  families.  The 
accommodation  of  these  people  is  different  from  that  of 
the  Jews,  in  that  the  latter  act  consciously  and  for  a  pur- 


60  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [3I6 

pose  while  the  former  act  unconsciously,  merely  resigning 
themselves  to  the  new  conditions  forced  upon  them. 

The  persistent  class  is  composed  of  the  conservative  ele- 
ment of  the  community,  and  of  the  ignorant  and  dull,  but 
thrifty,  people.  The  old  people  and  a  portion  of  every 
nationality  in  the  block  possess  persistency  of  purpose.  The 
severe  economic  pressure  of  life  in  a  large  city  forces  many 
of  these  families  to  a  mode  of  action  different  from  the 
natural.  The  Italian,  by  nature  volatile  and  unsteady,  under 
the  stress  of  circumstances  becomes  persistent  and  self- 
denying  in  his  endeavors  for  success.  The  most  remark- 
able instance  of  accommodation  seen  in  this  block  is  that 
furnished  by  the  cooperative  plan  of  living  adopted  by  sev- 
eral Italian  families.  Independently  of  one  another  four 
groups  of  two  or  three  families  each  ate  all  their  meals  in 
common.  They  had  undoubtedly  chosen  this  manner  of 
living  in  order  to  'succeed  under  the  new  conditions  found 
in  this  country. 

In  21  families  mere  persistence  was  found  to  be  the 
dominant  method  of  accommodation,  and  in  121  more  fam- 
ilies a  subordinate  method.  In  149  families  accommodation 
was  the  dominant,  and  in  51  families  a  subordinate  method. 
In  43  families  self-denial  was  the  dominant,  and  in  62  fam- 
ilies a  subordinate  method.  In  27  families  self-control  was 
the  dominant,  and  in  22  families  a  subordinate  method. 


CHAPTER  V 
APPRECIATION 

GIVEN  some  aptitude  for  like  response,  and  certain 
motives  of  habitual  conduct,  manifesting  themselves  in  cer- 
tain habitual  ways,  the  first  condition  of  further  socializa- 
tion is  knowledge.  The  individuals  whose  local  relations 
are  favorable  to  union  must  be  acquainted  in  order  to  know 
whether  or  not  they  can  combine.  Knowledge  with  sym- 
pathy are  the  elements  of  appreciation;  and  appreciation  is 
of  varying  degrees,  determined  by  range  of  experience — 
by  a  narrower  or  a  wider  contact  with  mankind  and  with 
the  world.  It  is,  then,  the  object  of  this  chapter  to  deter- 
mine the  appreciation  of  the  various  groups  in  the  com- 
munity under  consideration.  This  investigation  resolved 
itself  into  such  questions  as:  (i)  How  strongly  do  you 
prefer  your  own  nationality — the  people  who  speak  your 
mother  tongue,  who  believe  in  your  religion,  and  follow 
your  national  customs?  (2)  Do  you  like  any  people  be- 
sides these?  Are  they  people  whom  you  have  come  to 
know  intimately?  or  (3)  is  there  a  wider  group,  as  the 
American  people,  that  you  have  come  to  know  in  a  general 
way  and  to  admire?  (4)  Does  your  interest  go  beyond 
this  to  humanity  everywhere? 

The  answers  to  these  questions  reveal  the  four  degrees 

of  appreciation  possible  to  such  a  heterogeneous  group  as 

may  be  found  in  a  cosmopolitan  city  like  New  York.    The 

pursuit  of  this  investigation  in  a  highly-mixed  community 

317]  61 


62  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [3I8 

is  of  intense  interest,  and  yet  one  fears  lest  the  complexity 
of  it  all  may  baffle  complete  and  accurate  description. 

In  Block  X  there  are  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men 
living  on  one  side  of  a  block  only  one  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  long.  Those  who  are  accustomed  to  rural  life  would 
expect  a  wide  appreciation  in  such  a  population,  while  those 
from  the  higher  class  of  apartments  in  the  larger  cities 
would  not  be  surprised  to  learn  that  there  was  not  as 
much  as  in  a  rural  community.  But  neither  the  country- 
man nor  a  member  of  any  other  city  class  knows  much 
about  the  conditions  that  exist  in  the  East  Side  tenement 
district,  and  this  is  not  strange  when  the  number  of  factors 
entering  into  its  life  is  considered.  It  becomes  necessary, 
in  consideration  of  this  complexity,  to  study  each  group 
separately. 

House  201.  It  is  already  understood  that  the  people  of 
this  house  form  a  group  by  themselves.  Their  appreciation 
is  representative  of  that  which  a  majority  of  prosperous 
Americans  of  the  so-called  working  class  reveal.  Being  of 
this  large  class,  which  is  itself  heterogeneous,  their  appre- 
ciation is  at  least  as  wide  as  the  limits  of  the  class.  They 
admire  the  nation  and  all  decent  people  within  it,  however 
much  they  may  vary  in  race  and  linguistic  origin.  Their 
faith  in  Americans  extends  beyond  their  own  experience. 
Even  though  they  have  not  seen  the  many  phases  of  Amer- 
ican life,  the  fact  that  one  is  an  American  is  sufficient 
cause  for  them  to  defend  his  actions  and  sympathize  with 
his  mode  of  life. 

The  American  people  themselves  are  broad  in  their  sym- 
pathies. The  Americanized  immigrant  has  added  these 
sympathies  to  his  own  wider  experiences  acquired  in  dif- 
ferent lands.  The  curtain  that  so  often  hides  the  rest  of 
the  world  from  homogeneous  peoples  is  torn  away.  Once 
men  of  any  nationality  catch  a  glimpse  of  another  people, 
they  are  ready  to  believe  in  all. 


319]  APPRECIATION  63 

But  though  the  people  of  this  house  have  with  one  ex- 
ception undergone  this  experience,  and  all  have  traveled 
widely,  their  appreciation,  while  in  its  discrimination  of 
kind  it  is  almost  of  the  highest  degree,  is  not  perfect. 
They  do  not  appreciate  a  foreign  class  in  its  entirety  on 
account  of  prejudices,  and  an  inability  to  overlook  super- 
ficial differences.  For  instance,  there  are  many  persons  in 
the  community  near  to  them  whom  these  families  do  not 
know  and  with  whom  they  do  not  sympathize.  This  is 
largely  due  to  evident  economic  differences  and  to  the  for- 
mality which  has  been  mentioned  so  often  in  connection 
with  this  house.  They  have  a  general  idea  of  the  life  of 
the  Italians  about  them,  and  on  general  grounds  they  sym- 
pathize with  it,  but  they  cannot  understand  it  fully  because 
so  many  of  the  Italian  customs  differ  radically  from  their 
own. 

Their  relations  with  the  Jews  also  illustrate  the  extent 
or  the  intensity  of  the  average  American  appreciation  of 
that  race.  They  perceive  that  the  Jews  are  industrious  and 
frugal.  They  are  aware  of  the  great  passion  of  the  race 
for  economic  advancement  and  of  the  law-abiding  character 
of  the  Jew,  but  the  home  life  of  the  Hebrew,  and  much  of 
his  social  life,  they  do  not  know.  This  lack  of  understand- 
ing is  responsible  for  many  misconceptions  of  the  Jewish 
people.  Such  knowledge  as  is  had,  however,  is  ground  for 
some  degree  of  sympathy. 

The  appreciation  of  this  group,  then,  is  that  developed 
by  an  acquaintance  with  American  character,  widened  in 
this  instance  by  the  original  knowledge  of  a  foreign  race, 
but  limited  by  the  formality  of  apartment-house  life  and 
by  the  differences  in  economic  standards  among  its  people. 

House  203.  Most  of  the  families  in  this  group  are  in 
the  same  class  as  those  in  House  201,  but  their  knowledge 
is  not  so  broad,  and  two  of  them  really  belong  to  the  class 


64  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [320 

below,  in  which,  the  experience  of  the  individual  is  limited 
by  propinquity.  These  two  families,  though  they  have  lived 
in  heterogeneous  communities  a  long  time,  have  sought  their 
own  people  so  persistently  that  they  have  not  yet  learned 
to  know  the  nationalities  about  them.  Race  prejudices  still 
control  them. 

The  other  families,  all  foreigners,  have  advanced  rapidly. 
The  Bohemian  saloon-keeper  had  become  well  acquainted 
with  his  mixed  patrons.  One  Jewish  family  had  become 
Protestant,  and  maintained  that  the  Christian  people  care 
for  their  parents  as  well  as  the  Hebrews  do.  An  Irish 
woman  who  lived  next  to  an  Italian  family  had  begun  to 
understand  these  neighbors,  and  to  believe  that  all  nations 
had  "  some  good  and  some  bad  "  in  them. 

Hoitse  205.  Here  we  have  two  instances  of  the  narrow- 
est experience  and  the  lowest  degree  of  appreciation.  One 
is  that  of  an  Irishman  of  the  historic  name  of  Fitzgerald, 
a  disconsolate,  aged  peasant,  who  spoke  of  himself  as  hav- 
ing been  "  dragged  to  this  unfortunate  counthry,"  enticed 
by  his  son  from  the  open  fields  and  fresh  air  of  his  Emerald 
Isle  to  pine  away  amidst  a  confused  mass  of  furniture — 
beds,  tables,  chairs,  baby-carriage,  cooking  utensils,  and 
what  not — in  a  rear  division  of  a  New  York  City  double- 
decker  tenement. 

The  other  instance  was  that  of  an  old  Jewish  woman. 
With  her  wig  askew,  she  cautiously  opened  the  door,  and 
in  suspicious  tones,  accompanied  by  the  yelping  of  her  dog, 
demanded,  "  For  vat  you  vant  to  know  it  ?"  She  had  been 
in  Russia,  Germany,  London,  and  was  now  in  America,  but 
in  each  place  she  had  sought  her  own  people.  Even  in  this 
house  she  was  dissatisfied  because  the  Jews  were  not  suffi- 
ciently orthodox.  The  Irish  she  hated.  "  I  don't  like  the 
Irish,"  she  said,  "  I  vant  to  go  back  down  town." 

But  these  were  exceptional  individuals.     The  younger 


32 1  ]  APPRECIATION  65 

members  of  the  respective  families  had  a  wider  outlook, 
and  many  other  families  in  this  house  might  be  graded  as 
medium  in  degree  of  appreciation.  The  large  majority, 
however,  must  be  placed  in  the  "  low,"  but  not  "  lowest " 
class.  The  people  of  a  low  degree  of  appreciation  are  those 
that  have  faith  only  in  such  groups  outside  of  their  own 
circle  as  they  have  actually  met  and  found  similar  to  them- 
selves. They  are  not  able,  as  those  of  the  next  higher 
grade  are,  to  generalize  or  to  allow  for  marked  differences 
of  language,  religion,  or  customs. 

This  "  low  "  grade,  which  is  predominant  also  in  House 
207,  is  composed  chiefly  of  Jews  that  have  been  much  in 
touch  with  Gentiles  in  business  relations,  but  who,  owing 
to  the  narrowness  of  their  lives  and  a  strong  prejudice, 
have  made  but  few  friends,  and  have  not  otherwise  widened 
their  acquaintance. 

The  families  in  these  two  houses  that  are  thought  to 
possess  a  "  high  "  degree  of  appreciation  include  those, 
both  Jew  and  Gentile,  who,  broad-spirited  and  generous  in 
disposition  and  keen  of  perception,  have  looked  about  them 
and  have  comprehended  their  environment. 

House  209.  Appreciation  in  this  group  resembles  that  in 
House  201.  A  majority  of  its  tenants  are  generous  Irish 
families  that  have  added  to  their  European  experiences  a 
knowledge  of  the  various  tenement  classes  among  which 
they  have  lived.  Formality  has  not  kept  them  away  from 
other  nationalities  to  the  same  extent  as  is  the  case  with 
the  families  of  House  201.  This  fact  explains  two  differ- 
ences between  this  house  and  201,  namely:  a  broader  ap^ 
preciation  manifested  by  some  of  its  families,  and  the  pres- 
ence in  the  group  of  some  families  whose  appreciation  is 
low  and  limited. 

The  geniality  of  the  landlady,  who  has  been  mentioned 
before,  has  contributed  much  to  a  broadening  of  sympathies 


66  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [322 

among  the  families  of  the  house.  Through  her  tact  people 
of  different  nationality  and  disposition  manage  to  live  in 
peace  and  to  attain  to  a  considerable  degree  of  acquaintance. 

House  211.  The  peculiar  affinity  of  the  Italian  for  the 
German  which  was  shown  to  exist  in  this  house  is  the  basis 
of  an  especially  wide  appreciation.  The  Italians  here  have 
been  long  enough  in  America  to  have  had  a  rather  wide 
experience.  They  have  met  many  classes  and  have  learned 
much  about  them.  Most  of  them  have  a  fair  idea  of  the 
American  character,  so  that  they  widen  their  sympathies  to 
unseen  groups  on  the  basis  of  this  conception. 

Nevertheless,  a  majority  of  these  families  have  little  ac- 
quaintance beyond  the  limits  of  their  own  nationality. 
Some  of  them  have  been  in  the  district  but  a  short  time 
and  others  are  reserved  in  disposition. 

Finally,  the  lowest  and  the  highest  degrees  of  apprecia- 
tion are  represented  by  one  family  each.  Family  59  is 
from  southern  Italy,  and  its  members  do  not  speak  Eng- 
lish. It  has  had  little  opportunity  to  learn  of  other  nation- 
alities and  is  devoted  to  its  own  people,  its  language,  re- 
ligion, and  customs. 

Family  58  is  composed  of  mother  and  child.  The  mother, 
deceived  in  love,  is  obliged  to  work  morning  and  night  to 
support  her  child.  She  is  a  bright  young  Swiss-German 
woman  of  generous  spirit  and  quick  perception.  She  has 
traveled  widely  and  has  lived  for  some  years  near  people 
of  various  nationalities.  All  these  facts,  together  with  the 
humility  of  spirit  which  her  misfortune  has  brought  her, 
have  made  her  peculiarly  wide  in  her  sympathies  and  her 
understanding  of  others. 

Houses  213-219.  Here  are  many  Italians  that  cannot 
speak  English.  Potentially  they  are  highly  appreciative, 
that  is,  they  are  neither  crabbed  and  narrow  by  nature,  nor 
are  they  wholly  surrounded  by  people  so  entirely  different 


323]  APPRECIATION  67 

from  themselves  that  toleration  and  even  pleasure  in 
social  intercourse  might  not  be  developed.  Such  a  cluster- 
ing of  the  same  nationality  as  we  see  in  this  set  of  houses 
is  not  conducive  to  the  broadening  of  appreciation.  At 
present  there  is  not  another  nationality  in  New  York  City 
so  given  to  aggregation  as  the  Italian.  For  this  reason 
there  is  scarcely  another  nationality  that  so  thoroughly 
stamps  as  foreign  the  district  which  it  occupies. 

Moreover,  many  of  the  Italians,  if  not  the  majority  of 
them,  have  come  from  the  rural  districts  of  Italy,  and  con- 
sequently their  sphere  of  observation  has  been  limited.  This 
fact,  together  with  their  brief  period  of  residence  in  Amer- 
ica and  their  continual  association  with  one  another,  results 
in  much  ignorance  of  American  ways  and  manners. 

This  ignorance  is  clearly  shown  in  their  attitude  toward 
all  authority,  law  and  order,  an  attitude  of  continual  sus- 
picion. In  January,  1901,  when  the  smallpox  was  thought 
to  be  almost  completely  under  control,  Little  Italy  was 
suddenly  found  to  have  a  number  of  cases.  Then  followed 
confusion  and  turmoil  as  the  Italians  began  to  try  to  de- 
ceive the  authorities.  A  like  state  of  affairs  was  observed 
in  occasional  instances  among  other  nationalities,  notably 
in  the  case  of  an  Irish  patrolman  not  far  from  Little  Italy; 
but  nowhere  was  the  excitement,  opposition  and  deception 
so  general  as  in  this  region. 

The  dawning  of  appreciation  usually  comes  through  ex- 
periences in  connection  with  wages.  The  demand  for 
"  twelve  and  half  centa  an  hour  "  is  made  early.  The  pas- 
sion for  saving  money  also  is  soon  developed.  Again,  the 
Italians  coach  one  another  in  ways  of  escaping  the  toils  of 
the  immigration  officer.  If  sickness  or  want,  calling  for 
charity,  befall  a  family  before  the  first  year  in  this  country 
is  ended  the  family  must  by  law  be  sent  back  to  Europe. 
So  well  do  the  Italians  know  their  rights  on  this  point, 


68  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [324 

however,  that  those  who  wish  to  commit  their  children  to 
charitable  institutions  wait  until  the  very  first  day  of  the 
second  year  of  their  residence. 

Gradually  their  suspicions  are  allayed,  and  those  who 
have  been  in  America  about  five  years  speak  with  some 
assurance  and  trust.  They  learn  to  substitute  processes  of 
law  for  the  use  of  the  stilletto  in  settling  their  disputes. 

This  change  is  effected  much  more  quickly  in  country 
districts  than  in  the  city.  The  history  of  Italian  colonies 
in  rural  districts  is  that  first  its  members  resort  to  the  stil- 
letto to  end  disputes  with  their  own  people  or  with  Amer- 
icans ;  that  later  they  resort  in  flocks  to  the  courts,  but  that 
only  gradually,  as  the  struggle  for  existence  becomes  less 
severe,  are  they  really  found  to  be  deliberate  in  their  rela- 
tions with  one  another  and  enlightened  regarding  the 
strangers  among  whom  they  live. 

In  the  city  law  and  order  are  too  often  represented  by 
gruff  and  ignorant  officials  who  have  no  time  to  deal 
patiently.  In  the  country  the  way  of  law  and  order  is 
brought  to  the  consciousness  of  the  foreign-born  by  the 
quiet,  patient,  slow-going  country-folk,  who  give  them  time 
to  realize  what  the  purpose  of  it  all  is. 

Next  to  appreciation  of  a  new  economic  position  is  that 
which  is  awakened  in  the  immigrants  by  the  political  bosses. 
Through  them  they  soon  become  aware  of  the  coarse  and 
selfish  plans  of  the  political  machine.  It  is  a  long  time 
before  they  realize  the  meaning  of  the  real  political  and 
governmental  system  of  the  United  States.  The  clearest 
idea  of  it  reaches  them  through  the  school  children.  To 
the  few  that  read,  the  newspapers  contribute  something  in 
this  direction. 

As  they  advance  in  understanding  of  American  life  the 
Italians  longest  in  this  country  draw  away  from  the  Italian 
settlements,  especially  from  those  sections  where  the  new- 
comers live. 


325]  APPRECIATION  6t> 

The  appreciation  of  a  large  majority  of  the  four  groups 
immediately  under  consideration  is  of  the  second  degree 
in  our  scheme  of  grading.  All  the  men  and  many  of  the 
women  touch  various  phases  of  the  life  about  them  as  they 
pursue  their  work.  The  children  at  school  come  into  even 
closer  contact  with  the  American  ideal  than  their  parents 
can.  Through  these  two  influences  these  Italians,  in  a  com- 
paratively short  time,  come  into  various  relations  with 
people  outside  their  own  nationality.  But  this  acquaintance 
is  not  such  as  to  enable  them  to  generalize  their  observa- 
tions or  to  broaden  their  sympathies  beyond  the  local  boun- 
daries. Propinquity  limits  their  appreciation. 

Many,  however,  are  attaining  to  the  next  higher  degree. 
These  not  only  know  people  of  other  nationalities,  and  have 
an  idea  of  their  immediate  environment,  but  they  have  an 
outlook  beyond  the  locality  in  which  they  live.  They  com- 
prehend in  some  measure  the  American  customs,  both  of 
their  neighborhood  and  wherever  such  customs  prevail. 

There  is  also  a  small  minority  in  these  houses  that  have 
no  sympathy  with  or  understanding  of  surrounding  people, 
It  is  composed  of  those  who  have  recently  left  their  native 
land ;  those  who  are  old,  and  those  who,  through  stubborn- 
ness or  lack  of  opportunity,  fail  to  come  in  touch  with  their 
new  surroundings. 

Houses  221-225.  The  experience  of  the  tenants  in  these 
houses  has  been  relatively  wide.  This  fact,  together  with 
an  intelligence  superior  to  the  average  of  the  community, 
has  enabled  them  to  understand  something  of  the  many 
situations  in  which  they  have  found  themselves.  Never- 
theless, they  would  not  live  in  houses  occupied  by  the  Ital- 
ians of  the  neighborhood  for  the  reason  that  the  Italians 
seem  to  them  to  be  poor,  ignorant  and  dirty.  If  they  were 
Americanized  and  somewhat  refined  Italians  would  be  ac- 
ceptable as  neighbors,  in  the  same  sense  as  the  other  nation- 
alities are,  namely,  the  formal  sense. 


70  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [326 

Length  of  time  in  America,  superior  knowledge,  sym- 
pathy, toleration,  and  the  fact  that  a  large  proportion  are 
native-born  all  contribute  to  make  the  appreciation  of  the 
occupants  of  these  houses  relatively  high. 

House  235.  The  homogeneity  of  this  group  would  seem 
to  imply  that  those  who  compose  it  are  clannish  and  dis- 
regardful  of  all  people  other  than  those  of  their  own  nation- 
ality. There  is  some  truth  in  the  inference.  But  their 
long  residence  in  various  sections  of  the  East  Side,  and 
their  power  of  observation  have  not  been  for  nought.  While 
';hey  prefer  their  own  people,  they  have  not  failed  to  learn 
from  other  peoples.  The  selection  of  this  completely  Jew- 
ish house  as  the  place  of  their  residence  is  not  the  least 
important  result  of  their  observations.  Many  of  them  have 
lived  with  all  sorts  of  people,  and  have  then  deliberately 
chosen  to  live  here.  And  so,  while  some  of  them  have  not 
yet  acquired  sufficient  knowledge  to  understand  peoples  dif- 
ferent from  themselves  or  to  see  anything  of  good  in  their 
actions,  a  majority  sympathize  with  the  American  spirit, 
and,  to  a  considerable  extent,  possess  it. 

This  account  of  each  house  group  has  revealed  the  form 
and  degree  of  appreciation  peculiar  to  each  section  of 
Block  X.  There  are  certain  general  facts  and  special  in- 
stances, not  applicable  to  any  particular  section,  together 
with  explanatory  remarks,  that  should  now  be  recorded. 

The  rapid  broadening  of  appreciation  in  the  immigrant 
population  is,  on  the  whole,  astonishing.  It  is  surprising 
how  very  narrow  the  sympathies  of  most  of  our  foreign- 
born  have  been  in  their  native  lands.  The  following  in- 
stances will  illustrate: 

An  Irish  girl,  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  a  servant  in 
New  York  City  for  four  years,  revisited  her  home  the  third 
summer.  On  the  steamer  she  heard  all  sorts  of  remarks 
about  the  Irish  from  the  different  nationalities  represented, 


327]  APPRECIATION  7! 

such  as :  "  Those  from  Londonderry  are  no  good,"  or 
"  Those  from  Kilkenny  are  all  right."  But  after  being  in 
America  for  a  time  she  had  "  found  that  there  are  good 
and  bad  among  all  people." 

The  experience  of  a  Swedish  girl  was  similar.  When 
she  first  landed  she  flatly  refused  to  work  with  Irish  girls, 
but  now  she  likes  all  nationalities,  and  especially  the  Irish. 
It  is  a  frequent  remark  of  immigrants,  when  speaking  of 
people  of  other  nationalities  whom  they  respect,  but  for 
whom  they  have  no  special  affection,  that  "  all  people  have 
good  and  bad."  If,  through  ignorance  or  distaste,  they  do 
not  like  a  certain  nationality,  they  usually  state  the  fact 
with  emphasis. 

The  lines  of  original  prejudice,  which  even  subdivide 
"nationalities  into  sections,  are  further  illustrated  by  the 
testimony  of  another  Irish  girl : 

Ulster,  she  said,  is  Protestant,  and  it  is  not  liked  by 
Munster,  Leinster,  or  Connaught.  Counties  are  not  preju- 
diced, but  provinces  are.  Waterford  and  Cork,  she  ad- 
mitted, were  distasteful  to  her,  and  she  added  that  Water- 
ford  people  could  not  agree  with  other  Irish,  even  when 
they  were  Catholics. 

Similar  divisions  of  seemingly  homogeneous  populations 
might  be  cited  from  any  part  of  Europe,  and  even  from 
some  parts  of  this  country.  When  our  immigrants  leave 
their  native  sections  and  enter  strange  groups,  especially 
such  a  heterogeneous  assembly  as  New  York  City,  peculiar 
changes  occur.  At  first  they  gather  about  the  groups  of 
their  own  nationality — each  little  nation  to  itself — as  the 
families  from  northern  Italy  in  House  211  did.  Later  on 
they  find  either  that  these  are  the  most  congenial  groups, 
as  House  235  did,  or  they  may  discover  a  people  of  another 
nationality  quite  like  their  own,  as  the  Swedish  girl  men- 
tioned above  did,  or  the  people  of  some  other  nationality 


72  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [328 

may  attract  them  more  than  their  own,  as  happened  with 
the  Italians  in  House  211. 

Appreciation,  then,  makes  all  sorts  of  discoveries,  and 
there  follow  all  sorts  of  combinations,  but  the  real  basis  of 
them  all  is  the  consciousness  of  kind. 

Appreciation  is  not  limited  to  an  understanding  of  peoples, 
though  this  is  the  experience  most  new  to  the  immigrant. 
The  physical  environment  also  has  to  be  mastered  before 
the  immigrant  can  wisely  venture  upon  his  way  in  the  new 
land.  The  necessity  of  getting  work  and  earning  money 
soon  brings  him  in  touch  with  the  labor  situation.  While 
he  is  learning  he  struggles  blindly  on,  doing  the  best  that 
he  can.  The  problem  of  living  is  a  very  stern  reality.  The 
necessity  for  a  different  food  from  that  to  which  he  has 
been  accustomed  is  not  understood  at  first.  Italians  learn 
to  eat  the  proper  amount  of  meat  only  after  they  have  been 
here  some  time  and  find  themselves  unable  to  cope  with 
the  arduous  conditions  of  work  and  of  weather  to  which 
they  are  subjected.  The  high  death-rate  among  them  is 
partly  due  to  a  diet  too  exclusively  vegetable  to  supply 
necessary  nutrition.  The  testimony  of  a  rent-collector  is 
interesting,  who  said  that  he  had  often  noticed  two  or  more 
Italians  eating,  one  all  the  cabbage  and  the  other  all  the 
meat.  When  he  had  ventured  to  ask  the  steak-eater  why 
he  did  not  "  divy  up  with  his  pard,"  the  Italian  replied : 
"  He  just  coma  over — no  lika  beef — he  damma  fool." 

In  natural  aptness  to  grasp  the  environment  the  Jew  is 
probably  superior  to  all  other  nationalities.  Especially  is 
this  true  of  him  in  New  York.  The  city  has  been  his 
home  for  centuries  and  he  is  thoroughly  accustomed  to  its 
ways.  The  Jews  have  a  great  advantage  over  all  but  the 
English-speaking  people,  in  that  they  speak  German,  the 
language  second  in  importance  as  a  means  of  communica- 
tion in  New  York  City. 


329]  APPRECIATION  73 

The  greatest  single  agency  for  developing  appreciation 
is  the  public  school.  The  average  number  of  public  school 
children  from  Block  X  is  200.  Their  influence  in  a  popu- 
lation of  about  900  persons  is  therefore  important. 

Summaries  and  totals  may  now  be  presented. 

1.  Lowest.     Two  families  in  Block  X  show  the  lowest 
degree  of  appreciation,  and  so  also  do  individual  members 
of  28  other  families. 

These  are  families  whose  experience  has  been  bounded 
almost  entirely  by  acquaintance  with  their  own  people. 
Necessity  or  narrow-mindedness  has  shut  out  the  world  be- 
yond the  range  of  blood  relationship.  Thus  the  Sicilians 
are  friendly  only  with  Sicilians;  the  Irish  of  Connaught 
do  not  care  for  the  Irish  of  Leinster;  the  German  Jew 
curses  his  brother  from  Russia. 

2.  Lo^v.     Eighty-one  families  show  a  low  degree  of  ap- 
preciation and  so  also  do  individual  members  of  77  other 
families. 

These  are  the  families  that  are  in  process  of  naturaliza- 
tion. Their  knowledge  extends  beyond  the  limits  of  blood- 
kinship,  but  it  is  not  sufficiently  wide  to  enable  them  to 
generalize  concerning  other  nationalities  or  classes.  Their 
preferences  are  limited  by  the  direct  knowledge  of  people 
and  conditions  that  make  up  their  environment. 

3.  High.     One  hundred  and  eighteen   families  show  a 
high  degree  of  appreciation  and  so  also  do  individual  mem- 
bers of  49  other  families. 

In  these  families  naturalization  is  well  under  way. 
Sixty-two  of  them  are  completely  Americanized.  They 
have  begun  to  realize  the  essential  elements  of  the  Amer- 
ican ideal. 

4.  Highest.     Ten  families  understand  and  appreciate  not 
only  those  of  their  own  kith  and  kin,  not  only  those  whom 
they  know  by  actual  contact,  or  whose  activities  they  know 


74  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [330 

to  be  controlled  by  the  American  spirit,  but  also  the  human 
race  the  wide  world  over.  For  instance,  the  mother  of 
one  family  has  visited  her  home  in  Switzerland  once  or 
twice.  The  relations  of  Protestants  and  Catholics  in  her 
own  city  of  Zurich  are  familiar  to  her,  and,  though  a 
Roman  Catholic,  she  is  possessed  of  so  generous  a  spirit 
that  she  has  much  regard  for  Protestants.  The  mother  of 
another  family  comes  from  good  old  Pennsylvania  stock, 
and  is  a  second  cousin  of  one  of  the  greatest  Hebrew 
scholars  of  the  world.  She  has  read  the  newspapers  widely 
and  many  good  books.  The  family  has  been  in  touch  with 
many  nationalities.  With  its  inherited  instincts  and  bright 
disposition  it  is  not  surprising  that  this  family  should  show 
some  degree  of  interest  in  world  activities,  and  that  it 
should  be  capable  of  appreciating  humanity  in  general. 

The  relative  strength  of  the  four  degrees  of  apprecia- 
tion in  this  community  should  be  of  interest  to  the  student 
curious  to  know  the  relation  of  these  families  to  their  en- 
vironment, to  the  patriot  eager  to  learn  the  extent  to  which 
these  people  comprehend  the  American  people  and  Amer- 
ican institutions,  and  to  the  altruist  who  desires  to  deter- 
mine the  probable  progress  of  a  social  group  in  its  estimate 
of  social  activities. 

The  more  or  less  naturalized  families  are  the  strongest 
class,  and  it  is  more  numerous  than  any  other.  This  fact 
should  be  the  cause  of  much  encouragement  to  those  who 
have  been  complaining  that  instead  of  "digesting  its  immi- 
grants, the  nation  is  dying." 


CHAPTER  VI 
TYPES 

HABITUAL  modes  of  like  response  to  common  stimuli, 
varying  motives  and  methods  of  conduct,  and  varying  de- 
grees of  appreciation  are  creative  of  certain  more  com- 
posite products  that,  in  their  turn,  become  determining  fac- 
tors of  social  phenomena,  including  the  possibilities  of  co- 
operation. Among  these  products  are  certain  types  of 
Emotional  Nature  and  of  Intellect,  of  Disposition  and  of 
Character,  and  certain  broad  Types  of  Mind  in  General. 
Approximately  accurate  classifications  of  the  tenement-house 
dwellers  in  Block  X  in  accordance  with  these  respective 
types  have  been  possible. 

TYPES    OF   EMOTIONAL    NATURE 

A  majority  of  the  dwellers  in  Block  X  belong  to  an 
emotional  type  that  may  be  called  the  Joyous-Sanguine. 

A  certain  degree  of  joyousness,  that  is  to  say,  a  capabil- 
ity of  rejoicing  upon  very  slight  and  simple  provocation, 
and  in  spite  of  the  hardships  of  their  lives,  is  the  prevail- 
ing emotional  state  of  these  people.  This  state  is  to  be  dis- 
tinguished from  cheerfulness.  Relatively  few  of  these  fam- 
ilies are  habitually  bright  and  cheerful.  This  minority  is 
composed  of  the  Americans,  Irish  and  Italians  that  are 
prosperous.  The  joyous  majority  are  not  always  happy, 
but  their  natural  tendencies  are  towards  happiness  when 
conditions  are  reasonably  favorable. 

Morose  natures  are  exceptional,  and  most  of  these  are 
33iJ  75 


76  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [332 

persons  who,  because  of  old  age  or  physical  weakness,  are 
completely  discouraged  by  their  misfortunes.  Among  them, 
however,  are  a  few  Hebrews  whose  natures  seem  always  to 
have  been  gloomy. 

The  Italians  on  occasion  exhibit  fear,  anger,  jealousy, 
and  hatred.  Their  fear  is  largely  due  to  their  inability  to 
understand  American  ways  and  their  continual  dread  of 
officers.  They  cannot  free  themselves  from  the  attitude 
toward  officers  that  has  developed  in  their  native  land. 

A  majority  of  this  community  are  sanguine  in  temper- 
ament. The  very  fact  that  they  have  come  to  this  country 
with  exceedingly  small  resources  is  evidence  enough  of  this. 
Their  hopefulness  is  really  their  principal  capital.  There 
is  scarcely  a  family  in  the  group  that  has  not  suffered  very 
trying  misfortunes,  but  all  have  been  buoyed  up  by  their 
sanguine  temperament. 

The  few  choleric  temperaments  include  certain  quarrel- 
some Italians  who  have  suffered  more  reverses  than  they 
could  endure,  but  who  have  not  yet  given  up  the  struggle 
and  become  melancholic. 

The  melancholic  minority  is  very  small  and  is  composed 
chiefly  of  Hebrews.  Other  nationalities,  however,  contrib- 
ute individuals  that  have  broken  down  in  health  and  in  spirit. 

INTELLECTIVE    TYPES 

Very  few  individuals  in  this  community  are  capable 
either  of  scepticism  or  of  balanced  judgment.  A  majority 
are  credulous  and  many  are  suspicious,  especially  among 
the  Hebrews  and  the  Italians. 

Credulity  was  oftenest  revealed  by  a  complete  faith  in 
strangers.  A  common  belief  in  the  fortune  or  misfortune 
foretold  by  cards  indicated  both  credulity  and  superstition. 

Superstition  is  somewhat  less  common  than  credulity, 
however.  The  Jew  has  the  Mesusa  upon  his  door-post  and 


333]  TYPES  77 

the  Italian  hangs  his  beads  at  the  head  of  his  bed  and  a 
holy  picture  on  the  wall  at  his  feet.  In  one  house  super- 
stition was  used  to  accomplish  a  practical  end  through  the 
medium  of  the  much  condemned  "  chain-letter."  A  type- 
written letter  of  this  kind  had  been  mailed  in  an  open  en- 
velope with  a  one-cent  stamp.  It  requested  each  person  to 
send  twenty-five  cents  to  the  minister  or  priest,  and  also  the 
name  and  the  address  of  three  friends.  As  a  reward  for 
doing  this,  the  letter  carefully  explained  that  the  enclosed 
aluminium  heart-shaped  medal  with  a  cross  upon  it  was 
blessed,  and  promised  that  the  three  friends,  when  their 
names  were  received,  should  receive  similar  medals. 

Belief,  in  a  majority  of  these  people,  is  objectively  de- 
termined by  external  suggestion.  In  comparatively  few  is 
it  internally  determined  by  emotion,  mood  or  temperament, 
and  in  very  few  objectively,  by  evidence. 

The  reasoning  of  a  majority  is  of  the  conjectural  type, 
being  little  more  than  guess-work.  Very  few  reason  spec- 
ulatively  and  none,  so  far  as  discovered,  inductively. 

TYPES    OF    DISPOSITION 

What  has  been  said  of  the  methods  of  utilization  applies 
equally  well  to  the  classification  according  to  disposition. 
The  Irish  form  the  larger  proportion  of  the  aggressive. 
The  Jews  contribute  largely  to  the  instigative  and  imitative 
type.  Many  of  them  have  the  understanding  to  be  directive 
but  they  lack  the  virile  aggressiveness  necessary  to  direc- 
tive power.  The  majority  of  Italians  are  divided  between 
the  two  lower  types.  The  creative  type,  as  manifested  in 
the  entrepreneur  who  assumes  responsibility,  is  not  repre- 
sented. 

The  totals  are  as  follows :  Ten  families  are  in  disposition 
of  the  merely  aggressive  type,  and  so  also  are  individual 
members  of  1 1 1  other  families.  Two  hundred  and  one 


78  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [334 

families  are  instigative  or  imitative  in  disposition,  and  so 
also  are  individual  members  of  9  other  families.  Thirty- 
one  families  are  directive  or  domineering  in  disposition, 
and  so  also  are  individual  members  of  59  other  families. 

TYPES    OF    CHARACTER 

The  great  difficulty  that  the  ordinary  observer  of  human 
nature  has  to  deal  with  in  the  study  of  types  of  character 
is  the  seemingly  countless  variety  he  encounters.  Nor  is 
he  sure  which  of  the  many  possible  principles  of  classifica- 
tion should  be  adopted.  An  application  of  any  principle 
chosen,  however,  will  test  its  fitness.  The  chief  argument 
in  favor  of  the  one  here  followed  is  that  it  presents  the 
steps  which  the  individual  has  taken  in  his  evolution  to 
the  highest  state. 

In  the  development  of  a  rational  mind  man  did  not 
thereby  lose  the  instinctive  and  the  emotional  elements  of 
his  nature.  In  the  first  stages  of  human  society  life  was 
simple.  Man  was  but  one  grade  above  the  animal.  Muscles 
were  strengthened  in  the  struggle  for  existence,  and  pleas- 
ure was  found  chiefly  in  muscular  contests.  There  was  but 
one  type  of  character — the  forceful. 

With  the  development  of  material  resources  there  came 
time  for  ease  and  pleasure.  With  the  increase  of  wealth 
arose  social  classes  and  a  new  character  type  appeared — 
the  convivial.  Then  pleasures  more  emotional  and  less 
arduous  in  their  nature  than  muscular  activities,  were 
selected. 

As  the  sense  of  responsibility  arose  individuals  here  and 
there,  reacting  against  convivial  excess,  began  to  take  ex- 
treme positions  upon  questions  of  pleasurable  indulgence. 
Impetuous  dispositions,  awakened  to  a  sense  of  duty,  could 
not  stop  short  of  severe  self-sacrifice  and  rigorous  disci- 
pline. The  austere  type  of  character  emerged. 


335]  TYPES  79 

Extreme  types,  however,  are  never  stable,  and  in  the 
course  of  time  a  counter-reaction  produced  the  type  which 
judges  all  conduct  by  broad,  rational  standards.  This  is 
the  rationally  conscientious  type. 

Evidence  upon  which  to  assign  any  family  to  one  of 
these  types  was  not  hard  to  obtain.  Occupation  is  often 
an  important  indication,  and  so  also  is  nationality.  A 
glance  at  the  types  in  each  house  will  enable  us  to  connect 
them  with  various  other  facts  also. 

House  201.  Of  the  five  families  in  this  house  three  are 
on  the  whole  of  the  forceful  type.  Casual  observation  of 
other  houses  in  the  adjacent  streets  would  lead  one  to  ex- 
pect a  preponderance  of  this  class  in  the  neighborhood. 
Two  of  the  three  families  are  Irish  and  one  is  German. 
The  occupations  of  the  fathers  are  respectively  those  of 
iron-worker,  compositor,  and  baker. 

The  prevailing  type,  however,  in  this  house,  as  in  others, 
is  the  convivial.  The  occupations  of  all  heads  of  families 
except  the  iron-worker  clearly  point  toward  an  easier  means 
of  livelihood  than  that  generally  followed  by  the  forceful. 
The  occupation  of  one  is  that  of  a  musician.  Last  year 
there  was  an  actor  in  this  house.  The  father  of  the  jani- 
tress  had  been  a  dancing-master  of  wide  reputation  in 
this  section.  The  favorite  pleasures,  such  as  card-playing, 
dancing,  music,  all  add  to  the  probable  accuracy  of  our 
classification.  On  Sunday  night  the  men  can  often  be  seen 
playing  cards,  and  sometimes  drinking  beer,  in  each  other's 
apartments. 

In  one  family  the  austere  type  has  appeared.  The  danc- 
ing-master has  attained  to  old  age,  and  both  he  and  his 
wife  are  undergoing  a  reaction  from  the  gaiety  of  their 
younger  days.  The  daughters,  who  were  lively,  are  now 
rather  burdened  by  their  duties  as  janitress  and  dress- 
maker and  the  care  of  their  aged  parents. 


80  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [336 

The  rationally  conscientious  type  is  represented  by  in- 
dividuals in  another  family.  These  are  Americans.  The 
father  is  a  musician,  and  he  has  sought  rational  companion- 
ship. He  takes  a  keen  interest  in  political  conditions  and 
put  pointed  questions  to  the  visitor  concerning  this  inves- 
tigation. 

Houses  203-205-207-209.  The  forceful  type  is  well 
represented  in  these  four  houses,  a  fact  largely  explained 
by  the  presence  of  Irish  tenants.  The  pleasure-loving  class 
predominates,  however,  and  it  is  correlated  with  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  Jewish  tenants,  who  here  outnumber  all 
others. 

Houses  211-210.  These  are  Italian  groups.  The  im- 
pulsive disposition  of  the  Italians  and  the  intensity  of  their 
feelings  would  lead  us  to  place  them  in  or  near  the  con- 
vivial type.  But  hard  labor  has  wrought  a  change  in  many 
of  them.  Twenty-four  families  in  these  houses  may  be 
classed  as  forceful  and  the  type  is  represented  in  forty 
others.  Seventy  families  may  be  classed  as  convivial  and 
the  type  is  represented  in  fourteen  others.  Two  families 
may  be  classed  as  austere  and  the  type  is  represented  in 
three  others. 

Houses  221-235.  These  houses  are  tenanted  largely  by 
Jews.  Seven  families  here  may  be  classed  as  forceful  and 
the  type  is  represented  in  twenty  others.  Fifty-nine  fami- 
lies may  be  classed  as  convivial  and  the  type  is  represented 
in  eight  others.  One  family  is  austere  and  the  type  is  rep- 
resented in  nine  others. 

Let  us  now  present  the  results  for  the  block  as  a  whole : 

i.  Tlie  Forceful.  Forty-six  families  may  be  classed  as 
forceful  and  the  type  is  represented  in  seventy-seven  others. 
These  are  the  people  who  are  strenuous  and  daring.  They 
are  strong  of  body  and  rely  chiefly  upon  their  muscles, 
both  for  protection  and  for  their  livelihood.  Their  work 


337]  TYPES  81 

is  a  struggle  with  soil,  rock,  iron  and  wood  in  large  quan- 
tities. They  are  cellar-diggers,  hod-carriers  and  rock-blas- 
ters. Many  are  engaged  in  dangerous  occupations.  Some 
are  scaffolders,  boatmen,  railroad  employees  and  drivers. 
In  such  occupations  men  can  hardly  be  classified  as  other- 
wise than  forceful.  In  the  case  of  other  trades  or  occupa- 
tions, such  as  painting,  bricklaying,  carpentry,  plumbing 
and  washing,  other  evidence  was  taken  into  consideration. 
No  family  was  classified  merely  by  the  occupation  of  its 
members.  The  majority  of  the  washer- women  were  ranked 
as  forceful  characters  because  of  their  coarse,  robust,  and 
masculine  ways,  but  some  of  them  were  of  a  very  different 
type.  The  personal  appearance,  the  manner  of  speech,  the 
kind  and  arrangement  of  furniture,  were  carefully  consid- 
ered. Very  important  also  were  the  pleasures  indulged  in. 
No  topic  was  closer  to  the  hearts  of  these  people  than 
the  prize-fight.  The  children  in  many  of  the  families  could 
give  the  characteristic  position  of  each  of  the  great  pugilists, 
and  the  rules  were  known  even  to  the  smallest  detail. 
Horse-play  was  the  delight  of  both  parents  and  children. 

The  nationalities  contributing  to  this  type  are  chiefly  the 
Irish,  the  German,  and  the  Italian. 

2.  The  Convivial.  One  hundred  and  seventy-five  fami- 
lies may  be  classed  as  convivial,  and  the  type  is  represented 
in  thirty-five  others.  Here  are  to  be  found  the  tailors,  fur- 
riers, peddlers,  store-keepers,  clerks,  bakers,  and  tobacco- 
workers.  By  disposition  those  engaged  in  these  trades  pre- 
fer the  less  strenuous  kinds  of  work  and  they  are  better 
adapted  to  them. 

In  this  type  are  found  those  who  in  their  love  of  ease 
live  in  dirty  houses  and  are  content  with  ragged  clothes. 
Others  take  pleasure  in  good  things  to  eat  and  to  drink. 
Their  money  is  spent  for  luxuries  of  the  table.  Still  others 
delight  in  fine  clothes  and  well-furnished  rooms.  Their 


82  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [338 

pleasures  resemble  their  occupations.  They  appeal  to  the 
emotions.  Theatre-going,  dancing,  table-games,  gambling, 
novel  reading,  calling,  and  gossiping  are  their  chief  means 
of  amusement. 

All  nationalities  are  represented  in  this  type,  and  espec- 
ially the  Jews.  The  occupations  mentioned  are  filled  largely 
by  them  and  they  will  work  at  no  others.  As  a  rule  they 
are  not  enthusiastic  over  athletics;  their  spare  time  is  spent 
in  calling  upon  one  another,  in  parties  and  in  dances. 

3.  The  Austere.     Four  families  may  be  classed  as  aus- 
tere, and  the  type  is  represented  in  nine  others.     One  of 
the  first  four  is  a  Jewish  family  still  under  the  influence 
of  religion.     Its  ideals  are  those  of  self-sacrifice.     In  labor 
all  its  members  are  diligent  and  persevering. 

The  other  three  families  of  the  first  four  are  composed 
of  aged  people  driven  to  austerity  by  the  hard  circumstances 
of  their  lives.  In  their  youth  they  may  have  been  of  a 
different  type;  but  now,  in  the  evening  of  life,  their  path 
is  one  of  self-denial.  Two  of  these  three  families  are  Cath- 
olics, who  look  upon  their  hard  lot  as  so  much  of  the 
"  good  works "  necessary  to  obtain  happiness  hereafter. 
One  family,  an  aged  soldier  and  his  wife,  neglected  by  their 
children,  impelled  by  their  love  for  each  other,  have  re- 
solved to  endure  that  they  may  not  be  separated  in  their 
old  age.  They  belong  to  a  Protestant  church. 

4.  The  Rationally  Conscientious.      This  type  is  repre- 
sented  in   eight   families.      With   two   others,   they   have 
already  been  described  as  belonging  to  the  highest  class  in 
their  appreciation  of  their  environment. 

Certain  traits  of  character  are  found  in  each  type: 
(i)   Courageous.      One  hundred  and  fifty-five  families 
may  be  classed  as  courageous,  and  the  virtue  of  courage  is 
manifested  by  individuals  in  fifty-five  other  families. 

The  display  of  courage  varies  widely  according  to  the 


339]  TYPES  83 

type  of  the  individual.  The  mere  physical  courage  of  the 
forceful  man  is  the  usual  basis  of  this  virtue  everywhere, 
The  least  courageous  type  is  the  convivial. 

It  is  by  no  means  easy  to  determine  the  courage  of  a 
family,  and  the  numbers  given  do  not  mean  that  there  are 
only  so  many  families  possessing  this  quality,  but  rather 
that  there  are  so  many.  In  some  of  the  others  it  was  im- 
possible to  determine,  and  they  were  accordingly  omitted. 
In  all  cases  the  basis  of  judgment  was  the  visit  to  the 
family  and  the  various  conditions  observed  there.  The 
courageous  were  often  discerned  through  their  straight- 
forward answers  to  all  questions,  through  comments  upon 
the  Spanish  war,  and  especially  through  their  attitude  to- 
wards the  visitor  when  they  thought  him  to  be  enumerat- 
ing young  men  fitted  for  military  service.  Occupation  also 
is  an  indication. 

(2)  Magnanimous.  Fifty-five  families  may  be  classed 
as  magnanimous,  and  in  thirty  others  this  virtue  is  repre- 
sented by  individual  members.  Evidence  of  the  magnan- 
imity of  a  family  was  difficult  to  obtain.  There  was  rarely 
an  occasion  to  display  this  quality.  A  number  of  general 
facts,  however,  tend  to  substantiate  the  estimate  here  given. 
The  intelligence  of  these  people  is  not  of  the  degree  that 
would  make  them  large-hearted.  Their  view  of  affairs  is 
usually  very  narrow.  They  lack  the  wide  knowledge  that 
is  necessary  to  a  wide  sympathy.  Their  associations  and 
material  environment  work  against  the  increase  of  trust. 
Magnanimity  requires  a  deep  understanding  of  human 
nature  or  a  wide  experience  with  people  in  a  sphere  where 
competition  is  not  so  keen  as  it  is  in  the  tenement  district. 

The  families  here  set  down  as  magnanimous  showed  their 
possession  of  this  quality  through  a  display  of  sympathy 
in  directions  where  mere  generosity  would  not  be  a  suffi- 
cient cause.  These  families,  in  estimating  the  worth  of 


84  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [340 

their  neighbors,  were  charitable  toward  weakness,  giving 
reasons  for  differences  and  explaining  failures.  The  same 
large-heartedness  was  evident  in  their  care  for  distant  rela- 
tives and  in  their  sympathy  for  those  in  trouble  anywhere. 

(3)  Generous.      One   hundred   and    forty-one   families 
may  be  classed  as  generous,  and  in  seven  others  this  virtue 
was  displayed  by  individual  members.     By  the   "  gener- 
ous "  are  meant  those  who  show  a  kindness  when  appealed 
to  by  something  at  hand — a  person  in  a  pitiable  condition, 
or  one  attractive  in  appearance,  or  in  some  way  interesting. 
These  people  are  impulsively  generous  to  each  other  in 
times  of  need.     When  a  point  of  common  interest  between 
the  visitor  and  the  family  had  been  reached,  it  was  easy  to 
see  whether  the  family  was  generous  or  not.     The  relation 
of  the  parents  to  the  children  and  of  the  family  to  their 
neighbors  was  an  important  indication. 

(4)  Industrious.     One  hundred  and  ninety-one  families 
were   regularly  industrious,   and   so  also  were  individual 
members  of   nine  other   families.     Twelve   families   were 
irregularly  industrious,  and  so  also  were  individual  mem- 
bers of  forty-eight  other  families.     This  estimate  is  based 
on  the  numbers  known  to  be  at  work,  the  condition  of  the 
houses  and  the  general  attitude  towards  labor  as  shown  in 
conversation. 

(5)  Frugal.     One  hundred  and  ninety-one  families  may 
be  classed  as  frugal,  and  so  also  may  be  individual  mem- 
bers of  sixteen  other  families.     A  comparison  of  income 
with  the  general  appearance  of  the  family  and  its  apartment 
was  the  basis  of  this  estimate. 

(6)  Cleanly.      One  hundred  and  eighty  families  were 
cleanly,  and  twenty-eight  individuals  in  other  families  were 
so  classed.     Sixty-six  families  were  neat  and  orderly,  and 
individual  members  of  one  hundred  other  families  were  so 
classed. 


34i]  TYPES  85 

(7)  Temperate.     Eighty-three  families  may  be  classed 
as  temperate,  and  so  also  may  be  individual  members  of 
twenty  other  families.     It  is  not  to  be  understood  that  all 
families  not  included  in  this  estimate  are  intemperate,  but 
that  they  are  either  so  or  doubtful.     The  mere  use  of  beer 
or  other  alcoholic  drink  as  an  article  of  diet  was  not  re- 
garded as  a  sufficient  mark  of  intemperance. 

(8)  Truthful.     Two  hundred   families   are  classed   as 
truthful,  and  so  also  are  individuals  in  nine  other  families. 
Two  hundred  and  six  families  are  classed  as  honest,  and 
so  also  are  individuals  in  six  other  families. 

Both  of  these  qualities  are  difficult  to  ascertain.  The 
truthfulness  of  answers  was  taken  as  one  basis  of  judg- 
ment. The  general  impression  received  from  conversation 
was  another.  A  comparison  of  what  they  said  with  what 
they  could  and  likely  would  do,  gave  some  light.  The 
testimony  of  the  janitress  could  sometimes  be  depended 
upon.  The  terms  truthful  and  honest  as  here  used  signify 
that  the  families  so  rated  are  truthful  and  honest  under 
ordinary  circumstances,  or  when  not  influenced  by  outside 
forces.  If  their  employment  depended  upon  a  certain 
amount  of  lying  or  dishonesty,  it  is  feared  that  they  would 
feel  themselves  forced  to  yield.  The  temptation  would  be 
more  than  they  could  stand.  The  happiness  and  even  the 
livelihood  of  the  family  sometimes  depends  upon  a  depar- 
ture from  these  two  virtues.  The  families,  therefore,  are 
put  down  as  honest  and  truthful  if  it  is  felt  that  under 
fair  conditions  they  would  be  so. 

(9)  Compassionate.     Two  hundred  and   nine  families 
are  classed  as  compassionate,  and  so  also  are  individual 
members  of  two  other  families.    The  number  of  old  people 
cared  for  by  these  families  was  a  striking  proof  of  com- 
passion.    The  sympathy  for  the  Boers  as  a  down-trodden 
people   was   very    strong.      Many   were  much    moved   by 


86  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [342 

accounts  of  men  killed  in  the  war.     There  is  no  avenue  to 
their  hearts  more  open  than  this  one  of  sympathy. 

TYPES    OF    MIND   IN    GENERAL 

Instinct,  emotion,  intellect,  disposition,  and  character  are 
but  differentiations  or  varying  manifestations  of  mind  in 
its  totality.  According  to  the  kinds,  qualities  and  strengths 
of  these  manifestations,  and  their  relative  proportions,  do 
we  discover  types  of  mind  in  general. 

In  the  lowest  type  instincts  are  strong,  ideas  are  ele- 
mentary, intellectual  processes  hardly  get  beyond  percep- 
tion, and  the  organism  responds  almost  automatically  to 
stimuli,  either  external  or  the  internal  stimuli  of  idea  and 
feeling.  This  is  the  Ideo-Motor  mind. 

The  next  higher  type  is  Ideo-Emotional.  Imagination 
now  plays  a  considerable  role  and  response  to  stimulus 
often  takes  the  form  of  a  volatile  emotionalism. 

When  one  idea,  or  set  of  ideas,  such  as  a  religious  belief 
or  other  conviction,  controls  the  mind  so  that  it  becomes 
intolerant  of  any  beliefs  but  its  own,  the  type  is  Dogmatic- 
Emotional. 

When  finally  the  mind  is  capable  of  careful  reasoning 
and  weighing  of  evidence,  the  emotions  and  all  specific 
ideas  being  under  subjection,  the  mental  type  may  be  called 
the  Critically-Intellectual.1 

1  Professor  Giddings  names  and  illustrates  these  types  as  follows : 
"  In  some  individuals  a  forceful  character,  an  aggressive  disposition, 
intellect  of  low  grade,  and  strong  emotion  are  combined  with  a  prompt 
and  persistent  motor  activity.  This  type  we  shall  call  the  Ideo- 
Motor.  In  other  individuals  a  convivial  character,  an  instigative  dis- 
position, an  imaginative  intellect,  prone  to  reason  from  analogy,  a 
weak  but  persistent  and  usually  good-natured  emotion,  are  combined 
with  motor  reactions  that  are  usually  intermittent  and  of  less  prompt- 
ness than  in  the  ideo-motor  type.  This  type  we  shall  call  the  Ideo- 
Emotional.  In  individuals  of  a  third  sort  an  austere  character  and 
a  domineering  disposition  are  combined  with  dogmatism  of  belief, 


343]  TYPES  87 

As  the  reader  will  anticipate,  only  a  few  families  of  the 
dogmatic-emotional  type  and  none  of  the  critically-intellec- 
tual were  found  in  Block  X.  Before  the  totals  of  classifi- 
cation are  presented  it  may  be  well  to  mention  some  of  the 
traits  and  actions  habitually  manifested  by  the  ideo-motor, 
ideo-emotional  and  dogmatic-emotional  families,  and  cer- 
tain testimonies  of  other  observers  besides  the  present 
writer  in  regard  to  them,  as  an  indication  of  the  evidences 
upon  which  the  classification  is  based. 

The  impulsive  family  often  reveals  itself  as  such  by  the 
manner  of  shouting  "  Come  in."  This  "  Come  in  "  was 
often  followed  either  by  ready  answers  without  demand  of 
whys  and  wherefores  in  the  case  of  the  Irish  tenants,  or  by 
an  inexplicable  and  sudden  attempt  to  end  the  investigation 
in  the  case  of  the  Italians. 

Usually  the  Irish  shouted  "  Come  in,"  and  fell  into  con- 
versation-, in  which  they  unconsciously  told  all  about  them- 
selves and  their  neighbors,  if  the  visitor  cared  to  direct  the 
conversation  that  way.  Only  a  show  of  interest  and  en- 
thusiasm on  the  part  of  the  visitor  was  necessary  to  con- 
tinue the  conversation  indefinitely. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  impulsive  nature  of  the  Italians 
made  the  introduction  to  a  family  very  difficult.  They 
were  often  found  to  be  as  much  opposed  to  being  questioned 
as  the  Irish  were  careless  in  the  matter.  Sometimes  an 
attempt  to  close  the  door  would  immediately  follow  the 
first  question  or  there  would  be  a  flat  refusal  to  answer  it. 
In  other  cases  the  news  of  the  visitor's  presence  would  fly 

strong  emotion,  and  intermittent  activity.  This  type  may  be  named 
the  Dogmatic-Emotional.  In  a  fourth  kind  of  individuals  all  the 
emotional  and  motor  processes  are  dominated  by  a  critical  intellect, 
and  even  disposition  and  character  are  intellectually  controlled.  This 
type  we  may  call  the  Critically-Intellectual."  Inductive  Sociology, 
p.  63. 


88  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [344 

from  top  to  bottom  of  a  house,  and  presently  two  or  three 
families  would  congregate  in  the  halls,  talking  at  the  top 
of  their  voices.  In  almost  every  Italian  family  the  entrance 
of  the  visitor  was  followed  by  some  show  of  excitement — 
a  rush  of  blood  to  the  face,  a  general  appearance  of  ner- 
vousness, or  excited  questioning  of  one  another  in  the 
Italian  language. 

The  manner  of  controlling  children  on  such  occasions 
was  often  a  good  indication  of  the  type  of  mind.  Indeed, 
the  children  themselves  often  betrayed  the  impulsive  mother 
in  a  way  that  was  obviously  embarrassing  to  her. 

The  arrangement  of  the  house  shows  in  many  ways 
whether  or  not  a  person  takes  thought  before  acting.  The 
impulsive  are  not  systematic  in  anything.  They  are  always 
on  the  move,  if  they  are  not  too  lazy.  The  house  may  be 
clean,  but  it  is  not  usually  orderly.  So  also  in  the  estimate 
of  their  neighbors  the  impulsive  are  as  likely  to  err  in 
generosity  of  judgment  as  in  severity.  They  usually  jump 
at  conclusions,  reasoning  from  certain  things  last  observed 
in  the  manner  of  a  neighbor. 

As  has  been  hinted,  a  majority  of  the  impulsive  families 
in  this  section  are  Irish  and  Italian.  Observation  of  like 
characteristics  in  these  same  nationalities  in  other  parts  of 
the  city  may  be  had  from  other  sources. 

The  testimony  of  hospital  officials  concerning  the  Irish 
is  that  if  things  are  not  satisfactory  to  an  Irishman  he  will 
leave,  or  attempt  to  leave  the  hospital  on  the  moment.  It 
is  also  said  that  the  Irish  when  sober  endure  pain  with 
much  fortitude;  but  that  when  intoxicated  they  "  shout  and 
kick  at  a  great  rate"  if  they  are  made  to  endure  even  a 
little. 

The  Italians  are  reputed  to  endure  pain  even  more  im- 
patiently. 

Firemen  have  given  some  interesting  testimony  bearing 


345]  TYPES  89 

on  the  relative  self-control  of  nationalities.  They  agree 
that  the  most  excitable  of  all  peoples  are  the  Italians.  The 
smallest  fire  will  throw  them'  into  the  greatest  confusion 
and  disorder.  All  power  of  thought  seems  to  be  lost. 
They  are  capable  only  of  muscular  action.  They  throw 
their  trunks  and  furniture  down  the  stairs  and  themselves 
out  of  the  windows.  In  Italian  tenements  it  is  always  ex- 
pected that  the  hallways  will  be  blocked  with  trunks, 
often  having  nothing  of  value  in  them. 

The  Irish,  on  the  other  hand,  are  likely  to  go  to  the 
extreme  of  indifference.  Captain  Dougherty,  of  the  iO4th 
Street  Fire  Department,  tells  of  an  incident  in  which  an 
Irishman  was  going  about  in  his  shirt-sleeves  on  an  upper 
floor  while  another  floor  was  on  fire.  He  knew  of  the  fire, 
but  thought  that  there  was  no  special  need  of  haste  until 
the  firemen  hurried  him  out. 

The  absence  of  any  intellectual  control  in  the  lower  strata 
of  these  nationalities  is  further  illustrated  in  the  difficulty 
with  which  they  bring  their  muscular  systems  under  dis- 
cipline. For  instance,  it  has  been  noticed  by  kindergarten 
teachers  that  Italian  children  have  much  trouble  in  learn- 
ing to  march.  They  rush  at  it  impulsively,  without  the 
help  even  of  imitation  to  guide  their  movements. 

Not  less  than  motor  proclivities,  the  ideo-emotional  traits 
have  abundant  objective  manifestation  among  these  people. 

The  street-singers  and  organ-grinders  of  the  Italian  com- 
munities know  that  their  pathetic  songs  will  fill  their  pockets 
with  pennies.  Above  the  noise  of  elevated  trains  and  trol- 
ley-cars at  each  end  of  the  block  and  the  shouting  of  the 
produce-men  about  him,  the  mournful  notes  of  the  street- 
singer  will  reach  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen,  and  the 
intermezzo  from  "  Cavalleria  Rusticana  "  or  an  air  from 
"  II  Trovatore  "  brings  him  many  a  nickel. 

Conversation  about  their  childhood  days  or  the  reading 


9o  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [346 

of  a  poem  about  certain  Italian  towns  affects  the  Italians 
deeply.  They  are  a  sentimental  people.  Even  their  re- 
ligion is  largely  a  matter  of  sentiment.  The  best  English 
word  that  one  of  the  Italian  women  could  find  to  describe 
her  church  was  "  nice."  With  emotion  in  her  voice,  she 
described  the  Catholic  Church  as  a  "nice  church/'  Their 
patron  saint  is  an  object  of  much  adoration,  but  even  this 
saint  may  suffer  from  a  sudden  turn  of  feeling  and  his 
image  be  dashed  to  pieces,  to  be  replaced  some  day  by 
another. 

Sudden  changes  of  mind  are  characteristic.  It  is  chiefly 
in  this  respect  that  the  emotion  of  the  Italian  differs  from 
that  of  the  Hebrew.  The  Italian  is  demonstrative;  the 
Hebrew  makes  comparatively  few  physical  signs.  His  feel- 
ing, however,  is  often  deeper  and  more  enduring. 

In  times  of  excitement  or  danger  the  Jews,  like  other 
people,  are  emotional,  but  they  do  not  entirely  lose  self- 
control.  They  may  trample  on  one  another  in  escaping 
from  a  burning  building,  as  happened  in  one  of  the  Chicago 
Yiddish  theatres  in  January,  1901,  but  even  in  such  ex- 
citement the  mothers  showed  remarkable  presence  of  mind 
in  throwing  their  children  to  those  nearer  the  exit.  Even 
more  remarkable  is  the  case  related  in  the  New  York  Herald 
of  a  Jew  with  a  child  in  his  arms  who,  seeing  a  runaway 
horse  about  to  dash  over  him,  tossed  the  babe  to  safety. 

The  dogmatic  emotional  minds  reveal  themselves  chiefly 
in  their  attitude  upon  religious  matters,  in  their  economic 
conduct,  and  in  their  relation  to  socialistic  and  other  agi- 
tations. 

A  majority  of  the  people  in  Block  X  have  been  at  some 
time  in  their  lives  under  strong  religious  convictions,  but 
these  have  been  to  a  great  extent  broken  down,  and  "  be- 
lievers "  have  been  converted  into  "  thinkers." 

The  process  is  illustrated  in  the  departure  of  the  reformed 
Jews  from  everything  orthodox,  the  doffing  of  wigs  and 


347]  TYPES  91 

long  beards,  and  the  dropping-off  of  many  of  the  older 
customs.  The  orthodox  control  their  lives  according  to 
their  faith.  They  display  intense  feeling  against  any  in- 
fraction of  its  commands. 

A  diminution  of  religious  ardor  is  plainly  noticeable  also 
in  the  Irish  of  this  community,  who,  next  to  the  Jews,  are 
said  to  form  the  largest  class  of  non-church-goers,  though 
the  falling-off  from  church  attendance  is  general  among  all 
the  nationalities  here  represented. 

This  transformation,  however,  is  not  always  a  broaden- 
ing one.  The  type  of  mind  is  not  greatly  changed.  The 
higher  intellectual  processes  have  not  subordinated  the  lower 
ones.  Emotion  still  predominates.  The  change  is  objec- 
tive only.  The  discussion  of  social  and  economic  problems 
in  the  local  socialist  meetings  claims  more  and  more  atten- 
tion. The  controlling  idea,  not  the  habit  of  intolerance,  is 
changed. 

Among  the  Jews  and  Germans  the  substitution  of  dog- 
matic and  irrational  socialistic  schemes  for  traditional  re- 
ligious beliefs  is  a  common  occurrence  throughout  the  city. 
The  doctrines  of  the  anarchist  also  claim  a  good  deal  of 
attention  in  certain  Italian  neighborhoods. 

The  economic  situation  is,  after  all,  the  one  of  vital  im- 
portance to  all  these  families.  The  question  of  wages  is 
one  in  which  they  are  compelled  to  be  interested.  It  is 
their  first  duty  to  "exist,"  then  to  "get  along,"  and  last 
of  all  to  consider  their  mental  and  moral  development. 

The  storekeeper,  the  local  street-vender  and  the  janitor 
each  selects  his  friends,  his  pleasures  and  his  political  party 
with  an  eye  to  business. 

Especially  is  this  true  of  the  Jews.  The  conclusion  has 
been  reached,  after  a  careful  investigation,  that  the  control- 
ling principle  in  the  life  of  the  Jews  of  the  upper  East  Side 
is  not  religion,  but  the  desire  "  to  get  along  "  and  to  pros- 
per in  every  sense  of  the  word.  The  East  Side  Jew  may 


92  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [348 

be  of  the  old  orthodox  type,  he  may  be  in  the  Reformed 
Synagogue,  or  he  may  be  a  member  of  the  Ethical  Culture 
Society,  but  in  any  case  it  is  the  tremendous  strength  of 
the  economic  motive  that  distinguishes  him  from  other 
men.  From  the  young  child  to  the  aged  grandparent  this 
motive  asserts  itself  continually.  At  the  Penny  Provident 
Bank  the  older  brother  or  sister  takes  out  a  book  and  de- 
posits a  cent  for  the  two-weeks-old  baby.  The  parent  sends 
his  five  children  regularly  to  the  bank,  each  with  a  little 
money,  because  this  teaches  them  to  save.  Other  peoples 
also  sometimes  deposit  money  for  very  young  children,  but 
not  with  the  systematic  persistency  of  the  Jews. 

The  Italian,  like  the  Jew,  is  aggressive  in  his  desire  for 
economic  standing,  so  aggressive,  indeed,  that  he  chops  to 
pieces  the  stairs  of  his  tenement  in  order  to  have  firewood. 
But  this  is  the  desperation  of  an  immigrant  trying  to  obtain 
a  foothold  in  a  new  country;  and  it  has  been  true  of  most 
immigrants  destitute  of  material  means  when  they  first 
landed.  The  determination  of  the  Jews,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  attain  a  good  economic  standing  is  conscious,  dogged 
and  ever  dominant.  Almost  all  of  them  seem  to  know  that 
the  way  of  the  prosperous  is  up  the  East  Side  and  then 
across  the  Harlem  until  finally  they  "  arrive  "  on  the  West 
Side.  Their  every  plan  and  every  effort  are  bent  to  achieve 
this  goal. 

The  classification  of  the  families  in  Block  X  in  terms  of 
numerical  estimates  of  the  relative  strength  of  the  different 
types  of  mind,  based  on  the  evidences  above  indicated,  and 
careful  observations  of  each  family,  is  as  follows: 

Idea-Motor.  Thirty-eight  families  are  of  the  ideo-motor 
type,  and  so  also  are  individual  members  of  seventy-three 
other  families.  Most  of  these  are  Italians  and  Irish.  They 
are  engaged  in  the  lower  forms  of  physical  labor,  and  their 
exhausting  work  leaves  them  little  energy  for  emotional 
pleasures  or  for  thought. 


349]  TYPE*  93 

Ideo-EmotionaL  One  hundred  and  seventy  families  are 
of  the  ideo-emotional  type,  and  so  also  are  individual  mem- 
bers of  thirty-three  other  families. 

These  families  are  highly  imaginative  and  much  given 
to  nervous  excitement  and  to  pleasures  of  chance.  Tears 
and  laughter  are  equally  near  the  surface.  Feeling  is  easily 
aroused.  Appeal  to  reason  has  little  or  no  effect  upon  them. 
To  reach  this  class  at  all  it  is  necessary  to  mix  the  truth 
well  with  pathos  or  humor.  The  speaker  who  would  be 
successful  in  addressing  them  must  himself  show  much 
feeling  and  make  liberal  use  of  shibboleths  and  symbols, 
which  arouse  the  emotions  of  his  particular  audience. 

That  such  a  large  majority  in  this  tenement  community 
should  be  of  this  emotional  type  is  a  fact  that  should  be 
viewed  seriously  by  all  who  are  interested  in  the  welfare 
of  the  social  classes  here  represented.  These  are  the  fami- 
lies, together  with  those  of  the  motor  type,  that  make  pos- 
sible dangerous  panics  and  frenzied  mobs.  This  is  the 
element  that  demagogues  control  for  their  own  purposes. 
And  this  is  the  soil  in  which  fakes  of  every  kind,  religious 
and  others,  take  root  and  flourish. 

To  modify  and  develop  this  type  into  something  higher 
is  one  of  the  all-important  functions  of  our  educational  in- 
stitutions. The  power  of  the  school  is  nowhere  more  clearly 
seen  than  in  its  effect  upon  an  emotional  community.  Much 
of  superstition  is  bound  to  give  place  before  the  enlighten- 
ment that  the  school  creates.  Common-sense  and  reason, 
awakened  in  the  younger  minds  by  the  school,  will  at 
length  begin  to  dominate. 

Dogmatic-Emotional.  Six  families  are  of  the  dogmatic- 
emotional  type,  and  so  also  are  individual  members  of 
eighty-four  other  families.  A  majority  of  these  families 
are  Jews. 

There  are  no  families  in  Block  X  that  can  with  certainty 
be  classed  as  critically-intellectual. 


CHAPTER  VII 


NOT  less  potent  than  differences  or  resemblances  of  men- 
tal type,  as  determining-  causes  of  the  relations  that  human 
beings  sustain  to  one  another  in  society,  are  certain  prac- 
tical differences  and  resemblances,  consisting  of  diversities 
or  similarities  of  mental  acquisitions,  ideas,  beliefs,  and 
modes  of  conduct.  Chiefly  important  among  these  are 
diversities  or  agreements  in  language  and  ability  to  read 
and  write,  in  religious  beliefs  and  worship,  in  occupations, 
and  in  political  preferences. 

These  practical  differences  and  resemblances  as  mani- 
fested in  Block  X  admit  of  relatively  precise  statement  in 
brief  terms. 

Knowledge  of  English.  The  Italians  are  the  latest  arri- 
vals from  abroad  and  are  a  majority  of  those  that  speak 
no  English.  The  German-speaking  Hebrews  learn  the  Eng- 
lish language  more  rapidly  than  the  Italians. 

Twenty  per  cent,  of  all  persons  over  five  years  of  age 
dwelling-  in  Block  X  are  unable  to  speak  English.  A 
majority  of  these  are  adults  that  have  been  in  this  country 
less  than  eight  years.  An  additional  35  per  cent,  speak 
but  very  little  English,  barely  enough  to  ask  the  simplest 
questions. 

Illiteracy.  Forty-seven  per  cent,  of  all  persons  ten  years 
of  age  and  over  dwelling  in  Block  X  are  unable  to  read  or 
write  any  language.  Most  of  these  are  the  same  persons 
94  [3So 


35 1  ]  PRACTICAL  RESEMBLANCES  95 

that  cannot  speak  English  or  that  speak  it  with  great  diffi- 
culty. The  predominant  nationality  among  the  illiterate  is 
the  Italian,  and  the  Hebrew  ranks  second.  Women  show 
the  greatest  degree  of  illiteracy  both  in  their  own  language 
and  in  English. 

Of  the  fifty-three  per  cent,  that  read  and  write,  the  num- 
ber of  those  that  habitually  read  is  very  small. 

Religious  Preference.  The  religious  life  of  this  com- 
munity is  not  active,  and  the  figures  given  below  indicate 
a  nominal  rather  than  a  real  preference.  A  majority  of 
the  people  are  so  occupied  with  efforts  to  obtain  food, 
clothing  and  shelter  that  they  have  no  energy  for  active 
religious  interests.  Many  of  them,  moreover,  manifest  a 
desire  to  shirk  social  responsibilities  to  which  they  have 
been  subject  in  their  native  lands,  a  desire  often  observed 
in  people  that  are  taking  up  life  anew  in  crowded  urban 
centres,  where  it  is  difficult  to  develop  a  true  community 
spirit. 

The  religious  life  of  the  Italians  is  spasmodic,  and  is 
stimulated  chiefly  by  religious  celebrations  that  appeal  to 
the  dramatic  instinct,  or  by  some  calamity  that  befalls  the 
individual  or  his  friends.  The  Hebrew  devotion  to  his 
church  is  intermittent,  and  closely  related  to  its  annual  fes- 
tivals. The  American  Catholic  and  the  American  Protes- 
tant are  irregular,  both  in  their  church  attendance  and  in 
their  religious  interest. 

While  the  statistics  indicate  merely  nominal  preferences 
on  the  part  of  a  majority  of  these  people,  there  is  a  minority 
of  families  that  are  faithful  to  all  their  church  obligations 
and  are,  beyond  doubt,  of  a  strongly  religious  disposition. 


96  SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [352 

STATISTICS    OF    RELIGIOUS    PREFERENCE 

Year.  Catholic.  Protestant.    Hebrew. 

1897-1898 Irish 32 

Italian 23 

American. ...  24 


79  35  53 


1898-1899 Irish 22 

Italian 63 

American. ...  23 


108  18  68 

1899-1900 Irish 24 

Italian 68 

American ....  18 

no  24  67 

Occupations.  Of  the  317  men,  women  and  children 
dwelling  in  Block  X  who  are  industrially  employed,  3  per 
cent,  are  engaged  in  work  that  is  strenuous  and  dangerous, 
demanding  daring  and  fortitude;  22  per  cent,  are  employed 
in  hard  work  demanding  diligent  and  self-denying  effort; 
54  per  cent,  are  occupied  in  work  that  is  easy,  though  re- 
quiring continued  toil,  while  the  employment  of  17  per  cent. 
is  both  easy  and  intermittent.  Only  2  per  cent,  are  engaged 
in  nominal  occupations  that  are  conducive  to  idleness. 

Of  the  same  total  74  per  cent,  are  men  and  boys;  57  per 
cent,  are  fathers  of  families.  The  sons  are  17  per  cent; 
the  mothers  14  per  cent. ;  the  daughters  12  per  cent. 

No  evidence  of  child  labor  was  discovered.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  some  children  were  employed,  but  the  number  is 
believed  to  be  small. 

Political  Preference.  Only  a  small  minority  of  these 
people  are  really  interested  in  political  issues.  The  major- 
ity, who  vote  for  Tammany,  do  so  because  of  the  strong 


353]  PRACTICAL  RESEMBLANCES  97 

influence  and  the  persuasive  power  of  the  Tammany  organ- 
ization. These  men  are  dragged  into  line  by  the  political 
bosses  rather  than  by  the  exercise  of  any  natural  preference. 
The  very  small  minority  that  prefer  the  other  parties  are 
genuinely  interested  in  some  political  or  social  question, 
and  their  preference  is  decided  by  their  interest.  The 
Citizens'  Union  voter  is  usually  seeking  a  change  in  the 
municipal  situation,  clean  streets,  public  baths,  or  police 
protection.  The  socialist  is  awaiting  the  millenium  of 
higher  wages  and  a  better  distribution  of  wealth. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND 

THE  differences  and  resemblances  observed  among  the 
people  of  Block  X,  and  set  forth  in  the  foregoing-  pages, 
are  consciously  realized  by  these  tenement-dwellers  them- 
selves to  a  less  degree  than  such  differences  and  resem- 
blances would  be  realized  among  a  more  intelligent  popu- 
lation. Yet  there  is  an  unmistakable  consciousness  of  kind 
here,  and  its  elementary — sometimes  almost  primitive — 
manifestations  are  significant  of  the  genesis  of  those  social 
forces  that  create  cooperation  and  organization  and  main- 
tain social  bonds.  We  will  note  some  of  these  manifesta- 
tions as  observed  from  house  to  house. 

House  201.  A  general  consciousness  of  kind  through- 
out this  group  of  six  families  is  unmistakable.  Economic 
influences  have  had  much  to  do  with  their  selection.  They 
have  desired  better  apartments  than  those  in  the  middle  of 
the  block,  and  their  ability  to  pay  a  higher  rent  has  en- 
abled them  to  satisfy  their  desire.  Within  these  economic 
limitations,  however,  there  has  been  room  for  selection  based 
on  a  consciousness  of  kind.  A  comparison  of  this  house 
with  No.  235  at  the  other  end  of  the  street  is  significant. 
Why  is  it  that  house  201  for  the  last  five  years,  and  pos- 
sibly longer,  has  in  many  changes  of  tenants  always  re- 
tained a  majority  of  American-born  families,  while  house 
235  has  come  to  be  completely  Jewish  in  its  population? 

It  is  not  due  to  the  influence  of  the  landlord  of  No.  201, 
who  thinks  the  Jews  excellent  tenants,  but  rather  to  the 
98  [354 


355]  CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND  99 

fact  that  the  house  has  been  occupied  by  prosperous  Amer- 
icans, who  have  been  able  to  withstand  the  demand  of  for- 
eigners for  apartments.  They  have  desired  to  remain  in 
this  part  of  the  community  because  as  yet  there  is  a  large 
percentage  of  Irish  and  German-Americans  along  this  sec- 
tion of  Third  avenue.  On  the  other  hand,  house  235  is 
near  Second  avenue,  which  is  much  more  given  over  to 
Jews  and  Italians.  Moreover,  it  has  been  owned  by  Jews 
for  about  eight  years,  and  relatives  of  the  landlord  have 
been  living  there.  They  naturally  have  preferred  Jews  to 
other  people,  and,  being  in  control,  they  have  had  their 
way.  These  influences  are  clearly  those  of  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind. 

The  same  force  creates  groups  within  groups.  It  was 
observed  that  the  Irish  tenants  were  more  cordial  towards 
one  another  than  towards  other  nationalities.  The  jani- 
tress,  born  of  native  parents  of  Irish  descent,  finds  the 
majority  of  the  families  congenial,  while  the  American- 
born  German  baker  is  not  so  enthusiastic  about  his  house 
neighbors. 

Houses  203-205.  A  majority  of  the  tenants  in  these 
two  houses  are  Jews,  but  acquaintance  is  not  general. 
There  are  evidences,  however,  of  a  certain  consciousness 
of  kind  in  each  house.  The  Cohens  have  established  their 
store  in  house  205,  and  have  been  successful  in  business 
because  the  Jews  here  have  resorted  to  them.  The  Bohemian 
saloon-keeper  in  house  203  has  been  replaced  by  a  Jew 
largely  because  of  race  instinct. 

The  few  Irish  tenants  will  not  long  remain.  When 
asked  about  their  relation  to  the  Jews,  they  generally  re- 
ply, "  Oh,  I  pass  them  the  time  of  day,  and  that's  all." 
The  Irish  families  gave  some  interesting  and  valuable  evi- 
dence upon  the  consciousness  of  kind.  Two  of  them  are 
"  left-overs  "  in  the  social  exodus,  stragglers  kept  back  by 


100         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [-556 

economic  forces.  Though  they  have  been  in  this  neigh- 
borhood the  greater  part  of  twenty  years,  they  have  not 
been  here  continuously.  Waves  of  economic  prosperity  have 
carried  them  to  better  sections  for  a  time,  but  they  have 
come  back  again. 

Mrs.  C.  had  lived  with  Italians  and  liked  them,  but  the 
smell  of  garlic  in  their  cooking  was  intolerable.  Mrs.  H. 
had  never  lived  with  Italians  but  had  the  usual  prejudice 
against  them. 

For  twenty-five  years  these  two  women  have  been  liv- 
ing under  similar  conditions  and  they  are  warm  friends.- 
Mrs.  H.  is  very  often  in  the  house  of  Mrs.  C.  and  they 
exchange  many  favors  in  the  course  of  a  day,  while  at 
night  their  husbands  play  cards  and  share  their  beer.  Both 
men  are  painters,  and  often  work  on  the  same  job,  helping 
each  other  to  get  new  jobs.  They  take  long  rides  or  walks 
together  to  their  work. 

There  was  another  Irish  family  in  house  205  whose  testi- 
mony is  worth  recording.  This  family  had  entered  the 
house  under  the  impression  that  the  janitress,  the  widow 
of  an  Irishman,  was  an  Irish  woman.  "  Yes,"  said  the 
wife,  "  I  thought  she  was  Irish,  but  her  name  fooled  us. 
She  is  a  German,  and  I  don't  like  her  at  all." 

With  this  Irish  testimony  it  is  well  to  compare  the  words 
of  an  Italian  woman  in  213,  whose  family  had  been  in 
America  twenty-five  years.  The  husband  was  a  blaster  and 
the  wife  washed  for  the  neighbors.  She  said :  "  Yes,  the 
Germans  and  the  Irish  and  Italians  drink  beer,  but  the 
Germans  and  Italians  never  drink  together.  The  Italians 
and  Irish  often  have  a  good  time  together.  The  Irish  caH 
the  Italians  'guineas/  and  the  Italians  call  the  Irish  'micks,' 
but  they  don't  mind  that."  Another  Italian  said :  "  Me  no 
like  Northern  people — too  slow,  too  little  emotion."  Con- 
cerning the  Americans  he  added :  "  American  people  for 
money,  money,  money;  no  like  very  much." 


.357]  CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND  IOI 

Nine  of  the  sixteen  families  here  are  Jews,  and  Jewish 
customs  predominate  in  the  house.  Their  relations  with 
one  another  are  cordial.  They  are  all  aware  of  the  fact 
that  their  own  people  are  in  the  majority. 

The  Italian  saloon  on  the  ground  floor  did  not  prosper. 
The  saloon-keeper  is  continually  complaining  of  the  lack 
of  business.  He  cannot  get  nearer  to  the  Italian  group  two 
houses  away  because  the  law  does  not  permit  him  to  place 
his  saloon  in  such  close  proximity  to  the  public  school, 
which  is  situated  between  Nos.  225  and  235.  He  feels 
keenly  the  absence  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  which,  in 
districts  like  this,  is  a  chief  factor  in  the  support  of  a 
tenement-house  saloon. 

House  209.  The  tenants  here  were  Irish  and  Jews. 
Most  of  the  Irish  were  of  the  type  which  occupies  the  top 
floor  of  203.  In  fact,  there  was  a  Collins  on  this  top  floor 
related  to  the  one  in  203.  They  were  also  of  the  "  left- 
overs "  in  the  general  exodus  of  the  Irish  from  this  street. 
They  had  lived  under  similar  conditions  for  the  greater 
part  of  their  lives.  They  were  in  almost  complete  posses- 
sion of  the  three  upper  floors  of  the  house.  They  were 
much  in  one  another's  rooms,  and  the  opposite  doors  of 
different  apartments  were  open,  so  that  conversation  could 
easily  be  carried  on.  Two  of  the  families  were  related, 
and  the  daughter  of  one  was  assisting  in  the  house-work 
of  the  other. 

The  extent  of  communication  and  the  warmth  of  the 
fellowship  among  these  Irish  contrasted  sharply  with  the 
habits  of  the  Hebrews  in  the  house.  There  was  much  tess 
visiting  among  the  Jewish  families. 

House  211.  The  first  persons  questioned  in  this  house 
gave  striking  testimony  to  the  power  of  the  consciousness 
of  kind.  They  were  a  mother  and  a  daughter  named  Cri- 
mona,  from  the  province  of  Cremona  in  Italy,  who  had  the 


102         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [358 

round  faces  and  other  characteristics  of  the  broad-headed 
Alpine  stock.  They  resembled  the  small,  dark  southern 
Germans  or  the  Jews  of  Hungary.  They  mentioned  the 
fact  that  they  were  often  taken  for  Germans  or  Jews,  and 
the  daughter  of  eighteen  said  that  her  intimate  friend  for 
the  last  five  years  had  been  a  German  girl.  At  first,  she 
said,  her  friends  had  been  Italian  girls,  but  as  they  quar- 
reled with  her  so  often,  she  much  preferred  the  German. 
When  it  is  remembered  that  Cremona  is  a  town  of  Lom- 
bardy,  not  far  from  the  foothills  of  the  Alps  on  the  north- 
ern side  of  the  valley  of  the  Po,  where  the  Alpine  stock  is 
well  represented,  this  instinctive  preference  of  these  Cre- 
mona women  for  their  ethnic  kindred  over  the  people  of 
their  nationality  and  language  is  not  without  significance. 

The  only  Italian  families  in  the  house  whom  the  mother 
and  daughter  thought  "nice"  were  taller  than  the  major- 
ity of  Italians,  and,  like  the  Crimoni,  were  more  deliberate 
in  their  actions.  Upon  inquiry,  it  was  found  that  they  too 
had  come  from  northern  Italy  not  far  from  the  town,  of 
Cremona. 

Houses  213-215-217-219.  The  customs  of  one  nation- 
ality— the  Italian — dominate  all  others  in  these  houses. 
Undoubtedly  an  economic  motive  led  the  Italians  to  this 
street,  but  after  they  came  a  consciousness  of  kind  attracted 
them  to  particular  floors  in  certain  houses.  As  their  num- 
ber increased  they  obtained  complete  possession  of  these 
houses,  and  since  that  time  an  Italian  rarely  enters  any 
other  house.  This  is  due  not  only  to  their  preference  for 
their  own  people,  but  also  to  their  strong  antipathy  towards 
other  nationalities.  This  mental  attitude,  however,  is  not 
due  entirely  to  a  perception  of  mental  differences  and  re- 
semblances. The  other  nationalities  have  been  longer  in 
America  and  are,  to  some  extent,  assimilated.  They  have 
often  attained  to  a  relatively  high  prosperity.  They  do 


359]  CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND 

not  like  to  receive  into  their  own  tenement-house  groups 
those  families  that  are  so  near  the  economic  margin  of 
subsistence  that  they  are  willing  to  resort  to  any  kind  of 
work,  to  live  in  any  sort  of  way,  and  to  chop  the  stair- 
bannisters  for  fuel.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Italian  immi- 
grants, being  unable  to  talk  with  English-speaking  nation- 
alities or  with  Germans,  are  compelled  to  seek  people  who 
speak  their  own  language. 

There  are  four  Jewish  families,  six  negro  families,  a 
Cuban,  a  Greek,  and  a  Bohemian  family  in  these  houses, 
whose  relations  with  the  Italian  element  are  of  interest. 

Two  of  the  Jewish  families  are  in  the  clothing  trade, 
and  their  relation  to  the  Italians  is  simply  that  of  business. 
The  other  two  families  expressed  their  hatred  of  both 
Italians  and  negroes  and  their  intention  of  moving  away 
from  them.  This  they  did  a  few  weeks  later,  going  to 
house  223,  which  had  been  vacated  by  the  Italians. 

The  negro,  Cuban,  and  Greek  families  remained  in  the 
house  with  the  Italians.  Their  relations  seemed  to  be  cor- 
dial and  they  spoke  in  high  terms  of  one  another.  It  was 
also  interesting  to  observe  the  relations  of  a  white  Amer- 
ican family  to  a  negro  family  in  one  of  these  Italian  groups. 
The  intimate  friend  of  Mrs.  C,  who  was  of  mixed  ances- 
try, namely,  Cuban,  Indian  and  negro,  was  Mrs.  W.,  a 
white  woman  who  lived  on  a  different  floor.  This  was 
not  a  mere  chance  acquaintance,  but  another  instance  of  the 
selection  of  the  nearest  kind,  for  Mrs.  C.'s  characteristics 
were  predominantly  those  of  the  white  race,  and  she  did 
not  associate  with  negroes. 

House  223.  In  1897  this  house  was  occupied  exclusively 
by  Italians,  with  the  exception  of  the  Irish  janitor.  In  1899 
there  were  fourteen  Italians,  one  Irish-American,  one  negro, 
and  two  Greeks.  Of  the  population  that  has  replaced  them 
seven  are  Jews,  three  are  Irish,  two  are  Americans,  two  are 


;I04        SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [360 

•Italians,  one  is  English,  and  one  is  Swedish.  Conscious- 
ness of  kind  exists  to  a  limited  degree  among  the  first 
seven  and  is  growing  stronger  as  they  become  better  ac- 
quainted. The  landlord  and  the  janitress  are  Jews.  The 
store-keeper  has  wisely  selected  a  house  in  which  her  own 
people  prevail.  The  two  Americans,  as  also  the  Swede  and 
Englishman,  learned  of  the  rooms  through  the  newspaper. 
Each  of  them  is  dissatisfied,  and  none  of  them  will  be  here 
long.  One  Italian  is  the  last  of  the  former  group,  and  he 
said  that  he  intended  to  move  very  soon.  The  incoming 
Italian  family  has  been  in  this  country  seventeen  years  and 
is  somewhat  Americanized. 

House  225.  Consciousness  of  kind  is  more  evident  in 
this  house  than  in  223,  because  one  nationality  prevails  and 
the  period  of  residence  and  acquaintance  is  longer.  The 
•occupants  of  the  ground  floor  front  are  in  business,  depend- 
ing for  success  upon  the  patronage  of  their  own  people. 
Three  of  the  four,  who  are  not  Jews,  live  on  the  fifth  floor 
apart.  These  three  include  one  German,  one  Austrian,  and 
one  Irish-German  family.  The  Irish  husband  in  the  last 
family  said :  "  Oh,  most  people  think  no  one  is  right  un- 
less he  is  like  themselves.  I  like  the  Italians,  only  they 
underwork  us  a  little." 

The  relations  of  an  Austrian  woman  in  this  house  to  an 
Italian  family  in  house  217  are  interesting.  The  Austrian 
woman  has  seen  better  days.  She  speaks  German  and 
gives  her  nationality  as  German.  But  her  whole  disposi- 
tion is  like  that  of  an  Italian,  though  somewhat  less  emo- 
tional and  impulsive.  Her  pleasures  are,  however,  strongly 
emotional.  In  addition  to  German  and  English,  she  also 
•speaks  Italian  and  French,  a  proof  that  she  has  associated 
much  with  those  people,  for  she  learned  the  languages  by 
hearing  them  spoken. 

Family  No.   113  of  house  217  is  composed  of  Italians 


361]  CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND 

who  have  been  long  in  this  country,  the  husband  thirty- 
seven  years  and  the  wife  twenty  years.  They  speak  good 
English  and  in  most  respects  are  Americanized.  So  dif- 
ferent are  they  from'  the  other  Italians  of  this  group  that 
they  are  not  held  in  good  esteem  by  them.  It  is  only  their 
extreme  poverty  that  keeps  them  here.  To  the  extent  that 
they  have  been  Americanized  they  have  lost  some  of  the 
Italian  impulsiveness,  so  that  they  resemble  the  northern 
Italian  or  the  Austro-Italian  disposition. 

Knowing  the  similarity  of  the  Austrian  woman's  dis- 
position to  that  of  family  113,  and  at  the  same  time 
bearing  in  mind  the  distance  between  them,  one  being  in 
house  217  and  the  other  in  225,  the  writer  was  surprised 
to  learn  that  in  spite  of  this  distance  and  the  difference  in 
nationality,  the  two  families  were  friendly,  and  that  family 
113  had  brought  the  woman  from  225  to  the  Union  Settle- 
ment to  display  her  talents  as  a  musician. 

House  235.  The  tenants  here  are  Russian  Jews.  The 
landlady,  who  is  an  American  Jewess,  has  a  wide  circle  of 
friends,  and  through  them  is  enabled  to  have  her  house 
well  known.  In  1898  there  were  four  Gentile  families  in 
the  house.  In  1899  there  was  but  one;  now  the  house  is 
completely  Jewish — the  only  house  in  the  community  of 
one  nationality. 

While  the  consciousness  of  kind  is  strong  in  this  group 
it  is  different  from  that  exhibited  by  the  Italians.  These 
people  are  more  deliberate  and  have  more  individuality. 
There  is  much  visiting  from  room  to  room,  but  this  social 
intercourse  is  not  to  be  compared  with  that  in  houses  213 
to  219.  The  mothers  with  their  children  were  often  seen 
going  to  the  park  together. 

In  the  history  of  each  house  in  Block  X  the  power  of 
the  consciousness  of  kind  has  clearly  been  seen.  Racial 
affinity,  often  the  limit  of  a  consciousness  of  kind,  has  sev- 


I06         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [362 

eral  times  been  disregarded.  Even  color  lines  have  failed 
to  keep  like  dispositions  apart.  Strong  economic  forces 
have  entered  the  community  and  scattered  all  purely  social 
groups  to  the  four  winds;  but  after  the  storm,  quietly  but 
certainly,  like  has  attracted  like,  and  the  house  has  grad- 
ually filled  with  a  homogeneous  group.  This  is  the  history 
of  every  house,  and  where  heterogeneity  exists  the  process 
continues. 

In  the  earlier  periods  of  his  residence  in  this  country  the 
foreigner  feels  that  only  those  are  like  him  who  speak  his 
own  language  and  who  have  come  from  his  native  land. 
This  is  especially  true  of  the  Italians.  The  accompanying 
table  clearly  reveals  the  consciousness  of  kind. 

ITALIAN  ELEMENT  IN  EACH  HOUSE  EACH  YEAR. 

Years.                              211      213      215      217  219  223 

1895 —        12        —        16  —  10 

1897-1898 i          5        —        —  i  10 

1898-1899 3        12        13        ii  9  14 

1899-1900 8        13        15        13  14  2 

The  testimony  of  this  steady  and  swift  aggregation  of 
like  individuals  is  unmistakable.  It  must  be  remembered, 
too,  that  when  Italians  enter  a  house  the  Jews  gradually 
move  out,  and  if  a  negro  enters  anywhere  it  is  into  an 
Italian  house.  This  may  be  explained  by  the  general  an- 
tipathy of  whites  to. live  with  blacks,  except  the  whites  of 
the  lower  economic  classes.  There  is  possibly  some  weight 
to  be  given  to  the  fact  that  the  Italians  are  not  as  yet 
sufficiently  prosperous  to  be  independent,  and  so  to  assert 
their  feelings  completely ;  but  this  is  a  subordinate  influence 
in  most  of  these  houses,  for  some  of  the  negro  families 
who  were  here  before  either  the  Jews  or  the  Italians  came, 
expressed  their  regret  at  seeing  Jews  come  into  the  street, 
while  they  lived  on  good  terms  with  the  Italians. 


363]  CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND 

A  tendency  towards  homogeneity  has  been  observed  in 
the  Jewish  groups  also.  These  changes,  while  not  so  rapid 
as  among  the  Italians,  are  not  less  certain. 

HEBREW  ELEMENT  IN  EACH  HOUSE  EACH  YEAR 
Years.  201  203  203  207  209  211  213  215  2if  219  221  223  225  233 

1897-1898 —      2722613273—      3     15 

1898-1899 —      3       6     12      44       2       2    —       7      4    —      4     *7 

1899-1900 —       3775321       1257820 

This  table  shows  a  steady  increase  of  Jews  in  the  corner 
houses,  leaving  the  Italians  in  the  centre.  The  cause  of 
this  cannot  be  found  in  difference  of  rent  or  of  anything 
in  the  construction  of  the  house,  though  both  of  these  facts 
are  often  important  factors.  The  rent  and  the  structure 
of  the  majority  of  the  houses  are  almost  the  same.  Be- 
sides, Jews  have  been  seen  to  replace  Italians  and  vice 
versa  in  the  same  house.  The  cause  can  be  found  only  in 
the  desire  of  like  individuals  to  be  together.  This  funda- 
mental cause  is  not  alone  in  producing  these  groups,  nor 
does  it  work  unhindered.  Sometimes  with,  and  sometimes 
in  spite  of  other  forces,  it  gradually  brings  order  out  of 
the  urban  chaos. 


CHAPTER  IX 
CONCERTED  VOLITION 

IT  could  not  be  expected  that  in  a  population  so  hetero- 
geneous as  that  of  Block  X,  dwelling-  under  the  conditions 
of  tenement-house  life,  much  cooperation  of  family  with 
family,  or  of  like-minded  individuals  with  one  another 
irrespective  of  kinship,  could  arise  within  the  narrow  limits 
of  this  aggregation  itself.  Most  of  the  men  and  many  of 
the  women  of  the  block  are  engaged  in  cooperative  activi- 
ties— of  pleasure,  religion,  industry,  or  politics — but  their 
associates  are  gathered  from  a  wide  East  Side  area,  and 
to  some  extent  from  all  quarters  of  the  city.  Few  examples, 
therefore,  can  be  recorded  of  spontaneous  cooperation  within 
the  block  itself  and  limited  to  its  own  dwellers.  These  few, 
however,  are  so  far  indicative  of  the  origins  of  concerted 
volition  in  its  elementary  forms  as  to  be  of  some  slight 
sociological  value. 

The  simplest  ones,  naturally,  are  certain  housekeeping 
arrangements. 

In  house  207  were  two  families  in  which  the  husbands 
were  brothers — Jews  born  in  New  York  City.  The  wives 
were  not  related,  but  were  born  in  New  York  City  of  Jew- 
ish parents  that  had  come  from  Holland.  The  blood  rela- 
tionship of  the  two  brothers  was  the  first  social  bond  be- 
tween these  families,  but  the  Dutch  ancestry  and  a  simi- 
larity of  customs,  tastes  and  dispositions  in  the  wives  were 
no  small  factors.  At  the  time  of  our  first  visit  the  wives 
were  both  in  one  house,  washing  the  dishes.  It  was  learned 
108  [364 


365]  CONCERTED  VOLITION 

that  they  cooperated  in  most  of  the  work  of  the  two  house- 
holds. The  families  enjoyed  various  forms  of  amusement 
together  in  the  evening  and  in  other  leisure  hours. 

Families  65  and  66  in  house  211  live  in  two  apart- 
ments joined  into  one,  making  six  rooms  altogether.  Fam- 
ily 65  is  that  of  the  parents  of  the  wife  of  family  66. 
All  of  the  members  of  the  first-named  family  are  bread- 
winners except  a  boy  eight  years  old.  Family  66  includes 
the  daughter,  her  husband  and  two  children,  and  also 
the  husband's  brother  and  sister,  and  a  boarder,  all  of 
whom  do  outside  work  except  the  mother  and  the  two 
children.  During  the  day  there  is  no  one  at  home  but  the 
young  mother  and  her  two  babies.  She  does  most  of  the 
housework  for  both  families,  especially  the  managing  of 
household  affairs.  All  wages  in  family  65  are  paid  to  the 
father;  members  of  family  66  pay  a  regular  sum  each  week 
to  the  father  of  family  65.  He  then  gives  to  the  manager 
of  the  house,  his  married  daughter,  as  much  money  as  she 
requires  to  pay  all  bills.  To  the  members  of  his  own 
family  he  gives  a  little  pocket-money,  and  the  members  of 
the  other  family  have  the  balance  after  paying  their  board. 
Meals  are  eaten  at  one  table,  and  there  is  almost  complete 
cooperation  in  other  affairs  as  well. 

In  the  same  house  families  69  and  70,  less  closely  united 
than  families  65  and  66,  cooperate  to  a  great  extent. 
Family  70  is  composed  of  the  parents  of  the  wife  of 
family  69.  These  families  have  joined  their  apartments. 
The  daughter  was  formerly  living  in  a  much  better  place, 
and  could  well  afford  to  do  so  for  her  husband  earns  high 
wages,  but  she  wished  to  be  near  her  mother,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  be  saving  money. 

These  examples  are  fairly  typical  of  many  that  could  be 
adduced  of  a  certain  tendency  to  revert  to  the  collective  or 
"  compound "  housekeeping  of  primitive  life  under  con- 
ditions of  poverty  in  the  tenement  districts. 


HO         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [366 

On  a  somewhat  broader  scale  concerted  volition  is  seen 
in  a  frequent  cooperation  in  pleasures,  especially  among 
the  Irish.  The  quick  and  sincere  sympathy  of  the  Irish 
disposition  often  brushes  aside  the  ordinary  rules  of 
formality,  and  they  come  together  spontaneously  in  some 
kind  of  joviality. 

This  disposition  of  the  Irish,  and  the  business  qualities 
of  the  Jews,  often  make  possible  also  a  degree  of  purely 
economic  cooperation  between  these  races.  Its  usual  mani- 
festation is  seen  in  the  relations  of  a  Jewish  landlord  or 
landlady  to  Irish  tenants.  In  house  209,  for  example,  an 
Irish  woman  remarked  of  the  landlady :  "  Oh,  yes,  she's  a 
Jew  woman;  but  she's  very  nice  for  all  that."  It  is  the 
ability  of  the  "  Jew  woman  "  to  make  herself  pleasant  that 
appeals  to  the  Irish.  The  Irish  rarely  go  into  the  apart- 
ments of  the  landlady,  but  she  goes  very  often  into  those 
of  the  Irish.  This  formality  on  the  part  of  the  tenants  is 
not  at  all  due  to  a  consciousness  that  the  landlady  is  supe- 
rior. There  is  no  such  feeling.  These  advances  are  made 
by  the  landlady  with  the  particular  object  of  keeping  all 
on  good  terms  with  herself  and  with  each  other.  Such 
association  has  but  a  slight  tendency  toward  real  social  in- 
tercourse. That  such  cooperation  may  become  permanent 
and  genuine  the  mere  economic  motive  must  be  strength- 
ened by  motives  that  are  inherent  in  the  disposition  of  the 
individuals  themselves.  This  kind  of  cooperation  as  it 
now  exists  is  therefore  artificial,  and  is  not  permanent,  be- 
cause it  is  not  based  in  that  consciousness  of  kind  which  is 
the  only  genuine  bond  of  social  fellowship  and  of  endur- 
ing cooperation. 

Among  the  Italians  many  families  make  wine  in  the 
summer,  and  wine-drinking  is  the  occasion  of  many  social 
winter  gatherings,  in  which  there  is  also  singing  and  the 
playing  of  the  easier  games  of  cards. 


367]  CONCERTED  VOLITION 

A  concerted  volition  of  yet  wider  extent  is  sometimes 
called  forth  by  a  sensational  event,  and  especially  by  calam- 
ity or  misfortune.  It  is  the  testimony  of  ambulance-sur- 
geons that  they  can  scarcely  reach  their  patients  in  an 
Italian  district  because  the  neighbors  have  gathered  about 
to  offer  sympathy  and  aid.  In  times  of  trouble,  especially 
of  sickness  or  death,  the  Italians  are  most  generous  in 
assisting  one  another.  Detectives  looking  for  the  cause  of 
a  crime  are  met  by  a  solid  wall  of  blank  smiles  and  shrug- 
ging shoulders. 

Of  concerted  action  of  a  more  definite  and  effective  kind, 
and  on  a  fairly  large  scale,  one  example  may  be  given. 
This  was  the  evacuation  of  house  223  in  September,  1900, 
by  the  Italians.  This  house  was  leased  by  an  Italian  and 
was  one  of  the  first  occupied  by  his  countrymen.  Its  pop- 
ulation in  1899  included  fourteen  Italians,  one  Irish- Amer- 
ican, one  negro,  and  two  Greek  families.  The  houses  on  each 
side  of  it  were  occupied  by  highly  heterogeneous  groups, 
in  which  Jews  and  Americans  predominated.  House  223 
was,  therefore,  separated  from  the  other  Italian  houses. 
The  feeling  of  opposition  on  the  part  of  houses  221  and 
225  towards  house  223  steadily  increased.  Pressure  was 
finally  brought  to  bear  upon  the  landlord  through  the  board 
of  health.  The  board  ordered  the  house  calcimined.  This 
sanitary  measure  was  necessary,  though  not  more  so  than 
in  other  Italian  houses  on  the  other  side  of  221.  The  land- 
lord ordered  the  lease-holder  to  calcimine,  but  he  could  not 
afford  to  do  it  and  sold  his  lease  back  to  the  landlord  at  a 
sacrifice.  It  was  but  a  few  days  until  almost  all  the  Italians 
moved  out. 

The  presence  of  Italian  lease-holders  and  Italian  store- 
keepers in  each  of  the  four  houses  occupied  by  Italian  ten- 
ants is  another  instance  of  concerted  volition  arising  from 
consciousness  of  kind.  These  lease-holders  have  usually  no 


H2        SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [368 

capital  worth  mentioning1.  They  may  have  scraped  to- 
gether fifty  or  a  hundred  dollars  to  begin  with,  but  this 
sum  is  so  large  a  one  to  them  that  they  are  not  willing  to 
run  any  risks  with  it.  In  undertaking  to  sub-let  a  house 
they  have  great  confidence  in  the  affinity  of  their  people  for 
each  other.  This  is  true  also  of  the  Italian  store-keepers. 
They  venture  into  business  where  they  perceive  that  they 
can  count  on  the  cooperation  of  their  own  countrymen,  and 
a  common  antagonism  to  the  Jews.  The  Italian  grocer, 
for  instance,  depends  for  his  success  upon  his  ability  to 
cater  intelligently  to  his  Italian  customers,  which  he  knows 
he  can  do  more  successfully  than  members  of  another 
nationality. 


CHAPTER  X 


WITHIN  the  narrow  limits  of  the  group  under  consid- 
eration the  forms  of  social  organization  are  very  simple. 
No  function  of  government  is  delegated  to  it.  No  public 
or  incorporated  organization  devotes  its  energies  exclusively 
to  these  families. 

Social  Composition.  The  ordinary  conception  of  an 
urban  population  is  that  of  a  large  aggregation  of  indi- 
viduals that  are  independent  of  one  another  in  most  rer- 
spects.  The  bonds  of  acquaintance  and  relationship  usually 
found  in  the  village  are  not  supposed  to  exist  in  the  city. 
The  formal  relations  of  families  living  in  apartments  and 
houses  occupied  by  the  middle  and  upper  classes  is  respon- 
sible for  this  idea.  The  majority  of  these  people  seem  to 
be  entirely  indifferent  to  their  neighbors.  It  is  known,  of 
course,  that  every  city  has  sections  for  the  wealthy  and  quar- 
ters for  the  poor,  and  that  the  poor  quarters  include  some 
districts  almost  exclusively  occupied  by  recently  arrived 
immigrants.  But  the  perfect  stratification  and  classifica- 
tion of  peoples  brought  about  by  the  same  social  and  eco- 
nomic forces  that  arrange  the  village  group  are  rarely  ap- 
parent to  the  casual  observer  of  city  conditions. 

This  classification  reveals  two  arrangements :  that  in  which 
the  group  is  limited  to  certain  well-defined  localities  and 
that  in  which  the  group  is  independent  of  locality,  its  mem- 
bers being  scattered  in  various  parts  of  the  city.  The  latter 
grouping  is  formed  through  a  common  interest  in  the  same 
369]  "3 


1 14        SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [370 

organization.  The  acquaintance  grows  by  communication 
concerning  the  matters  pertaining  to  these  interests,  and  is 
continued  by  the  calls  of  one  family  on  the  other.  In  these 
groups  it  may  happen  that  a  family  does  not  even  have  an 
acquaintance  in  the  block  in  which  it  lives. 

Block  X,  of  course,  belongs  to  the  arrangement  accord- 
ing to  locality.  The  preceding  chapters  have  shown  that 
each  of  the  houses  being  studied  is  occupied  by  a  distinct 
set,  which,  through  frequent  changes  in  composition,  re- 
tains the  same  characteristics.  The  fourteen  houses  in  the 
street  do  not  belong  to  one  ethnic  group;  they  are  parts  of 
various  large  ethnic  settlements  in  the  vicinity.  Each 
house,  with  its  fifteen  to  twenty  families,  bears  the  same 
relation  to  its  ethnic  group  as  that  of  the  middle-class 
family  to  its  social  circle  without  local  boundaries.  The 
five  Italian  houses  in  this  block  form  one  segment  of  the 
large  settlement  of  Italians  across  Second  avenue.  In  the 
same  way  the  Jews  are  closely  related  to  Hebrew  groups 
in  neighboring  blocks;  while  the  Irish  in  the  houses  near 
Third  avenue  are  but  the  overflow  from  that  street.  To 
use  a  political  figure,  the  houses  may  be  likened  to  villages 
and  the  larger  groups  to  counties.  It  might  then  be  said 
that  the  Irish  village  of  house  201  belonged  to  the  county 
along  Third  avenue;  that  the  Italian  village  of  houses  211 
to  219  belonged  to  the  Italian  county  east  of  Second  avenue 
and  extending  from  iO2d  to  ii4th  street. 

In  this  discussion,  however,  it  is  not  necessary  to  con- 
sider the  larger  groupings.  The  simpler  social  relations 
of  the  people  in  a  given  tenement  are  generally  limited  to 
the  house  itself  or  to  similar  houses  within  the  fourteen. 
They  form  component  groups  as  truly  as  the  ordinary  vil- 
lage in  a  rural  district.  The  centre  of  the  group  is  the 
landlord  or  his  representative,  the  janitor.  If  the  janitor 
is  a  weak  individual,  who  is  more  a  servant  than  an  over- 


37 1 ]  SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 

seer  of  the  house,  the  store-keeper  or  some  old  resident  of 
pleasing-  but  strong  personality  becomes  the  group  leader. 
Within  the  house-groups  are  smaller  organizations  of  re- 
lated families,  but  usually  of  families  of  the  same  nation- 
ality. 

Two  interesting  facts  regarding  the  family  life  of  this 
community  are  analogous  to  facts  of  ethnic  society,  and 
may  be  recorded  at  this  point.  The  first  relates  to  mixed 
marriages.  In  1898  there  were  eighteen  marriages  be- 
tween individuals  of  different  nationalities;  in  1899,  twenty; 
in  1900,  thirteen.  These  mixed  marriages  of  civil  society 
may  be  likened  to  the  exogamous  marriages  of  ethnic  soci- 
eties. They  follow  the  weakening  of  racial  prejudices  and 
hasten  assimilation.  The  other  fact  is  the  tendency  of 
immigrants  to  gather  about  the  family  of  the  wife  rather 
than  about  that  of  the  husband,  showing  a  slight  trace  of 
the  metronymic  order  of  ethnic  society.  It  was  found  that 
there  were  twenty-six  parents  and  forty-two  relatives  of 
wives  living  with  their  respective  families,  while  only  eleven 
parents  and  twenty-six  relatives  of  husbands  were  counted. 
In  two  instances  the  husband,  with  his  wife  and  children, 
were  living  with  the  wife's  parents  on  much  the  same  basis 
as  the  unmarried  children.  The  wife's  father  received  a 
share  of  all  wages,  from  which  sum  the  expenses  of  the 
house  were  paid. 

Social  Constitution.  Owing  to  the  heterogeneity  of  this 
small  community,  the  discussion  of  organizations  formed 
for  special  purposes  must  extend  to  organizations  drawing 
membership  from  the  vicinity  as  well* as  from  Block  X. 
No  organization  of  any  importance  would  find  a  sufficient 
number  of  like-minded  people  in  these  houses  alone  to 
make  its  existence  worth  while. 

The  most  important  cultural  institutions  of  the  district 
are  the  churches.  These  are  of  the  Roman  Catholic,  the 


1 16         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [372 

Hebrew,  and  various  Protestant  denominations.  But  their 
influence  seems  not  to  be  so  great  as  it  was  formerly.  The 
evidence  of  religious  feeling  is  spasmodic.  It  is  to  be 
found  in  faith  in  some  relic,  or  in  temporary  attendance 
upon  church  service  in  times  of  trial,  rather  than  in  any 
regularity  of  church  worship.  The  paraphernalia  of  the 
church  often  decorate  the  walls  of  a  tenement  and  some  of 
the  people  are  ready  to  defend  their  faith,  but  constant 
attendance  upon  the  services  of  the  church  seems  to  have 
disappeared.  Even  the  Roman  Catholics  are  surprisingly 
indifferent.  A  striking  fact  regarding  the  members  of 
churches  having  saints'  days  and  other  holidays  is  the  great 
interest  which  even  the  most  indifferent  take  in  these  events. 
However  careless  a  Jew  may  be  throughout  the  year,  on 
his  church  holidays  he  puts  aside  all  work,  dresses  in  his 
best  clothes,  and  spares  neither  himself  nor  his  pocket-book 
in  fulfilling  his  duty  to  the  synagogue.  Likewise  the  Ital- 
ian, on  his  saints'  days,  spends  enough  money  in  fireworks 
to  supply  the  church  with  candles  for  a  year. 

The  presence  of  the  respective  churches  in  the  neighbor- 
hood is  due  to  different  causes,  while  the  church  govern- 
ment has  much  to  do  with  its  hold  upon  these  people.  The 
Roman  Catholic  church  was  placed  in  the  district  by  the 
authority  of  those  who  are  rulers  in  the  diocese.  Money 
was  obtained  from  the  people  of  the  vicinity  by  subscrip- 
tion, by  the  selling  of  tickets  to  various  entertainments, 
card  parties,  and  amateur  plays,  and  added  to  by  contribu- 
tions from  the  wealthy  contractors  of  the  city.  As  every- 
body knows,  the  church  government  is  a  strong  hierarchy, 
in  which  the  people  are  completely  passive.  They  are  sub- 
jects to  be  governed  by  the  will  of  the  priests.  In  the 
religious  services  the  appeal  to  feeling  is  stronger  than  that 
to  the  reason.  Forms  are  used  which  mystify  the  people 
and  inspire  in  them  a  sense  of  fear.  The  habit  of  obedience 


373]  SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 

to  authority  is  cultivated  more  than  that  of  deliberation. 
Such  forms  of  government  and  worship  seem  to  be  more 
effective  with  these  people  than  a  democratic  church  gov- 
ernment and  a  more  rational  faith.  The  Catholic  Church 
is,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  wise  in  clinging  to  these 
forms  in  its  work  among  these  people.  Its  mistake,  which 
hinders  social  development,  lies  in  the  excessive  use  of  all 
these  signs  of  authority  and  in  its  appeal  solely*  to  emotion. 
As  a  rule,  this  church  is  unwilling  to  modify  its  methods 
in  order  to  accustom  its  people  to  a  deliberative  form  of 
government  and  to  a  less  mystical  religion.  Several  mem- 
bers of  the  priesthood  of  this  district,  however,  show  a 
toleration  that  is  already  reflected  in  the  membership. 

The  Protestant  churches  also  were  founded  by  people 
outside  of  this  section,  much  less  money  having  been  con- 
tributed toward  their  establishment  by  those  in  the  neigh- 
borhood than  was  the  case  with  the  Catholic  churches,  but 
they  have  a  much  smaller  membership. 

In  establishing  the  synagogue,  the  initiative  is  generally 
taken  by  the  people  to  be  benefited.  When  a  clothing  manu- 
facturer,  still  living  in  this  district,  invited  a  group  of 
Jews  of  the  lower  East  Side  to  move  to  the  upper  East 
Side,  the  chief  condition  of  moving  was  that  the  German 
clothier  should  provide  a  synagogue.  This  he  did,  and  the 
people  elected  trustees  and  hired  a  rabbi.  But  it  was  not 
long,  according  to  the  clothier,  before  he  learned  that  one 
trustee,  more  enterprising  than  the  others,  had  confiscated 
the  paraphernalia  and  was  charging  every  one  an  admission 
fee,  which  the  trustee  used  according  to  his  own  pleasure. 
When  the  wrong  was  righted  the  synagogue  was  properly 
established,  and  many  of  the  people  attended  the  services  on 
Saturday  and  worked  in  the  clothing  shops  on  Sunday  and 
the  remaining  week  days.  The  Jewish  study  of  the  Tal- 
mud is  an  intellectual  exercise  of  value.  The  religious  ser- 


SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [374 

vice  of  the  Hebrews,  like  that  of  the  Catholic  Church,  has 
many  forms  that  are  beautiful  in  their  signification,  and  the 
general  effect  upon  the  people  is  to  cultivate  an  emotional 
devotion  rather  than  a  reasonable  understanding-  of  their 
faith.  The  cantor  leads  the  congregation  in  a  chant  full 
of  musical  cadences,  to  whose  rhythm  the  swaying  bodies 
of  its  members  respond. 

All  this,  however,  is  rapidly  losing  its  power  of  inspira- 
tion for  the  younger  Jews.  Only  where  parental  authority 
and  filial  respect  are  supreme  does  any  large  majority  of 
the  young  men  and  women  adhere  to  the  orthodox  Jewish 
faith.  Their  intellectual  development  demands  a  form  of 
religion  that  appeals  to  reason,  yet  they  are  not  ready  for 
an  abolition  of  emotional  forms.  Ethical  culture  appeals 
to  them  because  it  is  neither  Catholic  nor  Protestant,  but 
it  does  not  satisfy  their  religious  instincts.  A  majority  of 
people  expect  religion  to  include  emotional  forms,  but  in 
the  ethical-culture  movement  these  seem  to  be  lacking. 
The  success  of  the  reform  synagogue  should  be  far  greater 
than  that  of  the  ethical-culture  movement,  but  it  cannot 
be  complete  until  the  present  generation  has  forgotten  the 
beauty  of  the  majestic  and  soul-stirring  prayers  uttered  in 
the  rugged  words  of  the  original  Hebrew  and  the  devo- 
tion of  the  parents  to  the  orthodox  forms  omitted  by  re- 
formed Judaism. 

Religious  societies  are  but  one  product  of  the  desire  of 
the  Jew  for  organization.  There  are  all  sorts  of  societies 
among  them,  from  the  club  organized  by  a  boy  in  order 
that  he  may  be  president  of  it  to  an  association  for  the 
attainment  of  universal  peace.  This  organizing  spirit  is 
characteristic  of  the  whole  race;  it  is  almost  a  craze.  The 
young  boy  wants  a  literary  club,  and  the  girl  wants  a  liter- 
ary and  social  club.  At  the  next  stage  they  desire  to  form 
a  "  charity  society,"  in  which  they  intend  to  sew  and  to 


375]  SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 

give  help  to  the  poor.  The  last  and  highest  form  of 
spontaneous  organization  here  is  the  "  mutual  benefit  soci- 
ety." It  is  difficult  to  determine  exactly  what  is  the  origin 
of  this  organizing  passion.  One  factor  in  its  causation  is 
a  desire  to  be  united  with  some  body  that  may  obtain  recog- 
nition. This  desire  in  many  instances  is  vanity  pure  and 
simple.  The  most  remarkable  thing  about  all  these  asso- 
ciations is  the  interaction  of  the  strong  individuality  of 
the  Jew  with  the  social  instincts  necessary  to  form  a  good 
society.  In  most  cases  the  individuality  seems  to  triumph. 
In  the  prevalent  form  of  organization  only  the  secretary 
and  treasurer  are  permanent  officers,  and  the  chairman  is 
elected  at  each  meeting.  Throughout  the  lower  East  Side 
there  are  many  associations  that  are  merely  impromptu 
assemblies,  their  favorite  meeting-place  being  some  cafe, 
where  acquaintances  come  together  over  their  glasses  of 
Russian  tea  to  discuss  topics  relating  to  their  trades  or 
professions.  Each  cafe  is  frequented  by  its  own  group — 
here  the  actors,  there  the  playwrights,  there  the  physicians. 

The  other  cultural  organizations  exerting  influence  on 
the  population  of  Block  X  are  the  schools  of  various  kinds. 
In  the  education  of  these  peoples  the  work  of  the  public 
school  in  promoting  cleanliness,  not  to  speak  of  other  good 
habits,  is  of  the  greatest  importance.  The  chief  defect  of 
all  the  schools  is  the  inability  of  officers  and  teachers  to 
understand  the  different  types  of  nationality  and  to  supply 
the  needs  of  each  type.  Whether  the  scheme  of  discipline 
is  conducive  to  self-control  depends  very  largely  on  the 
teacher.  Some  teachers  handle  their  pupils  so  as  to  de- 
velop independence;  others  manage  them  so  that  they 
always  require  a  boss  to  direct  them. 

Of  the  Hebrew  school,  or  chedar,  there  is  little  good  to 
be  said.  The  one  near  this  district  is  held  in  a  badly-ven- 
tilated, dirty  room,  in  which  an  old  man  compels  the  pale- 


120        SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [376 

faced  boys  to  cram  their  minds  with  Hebrew  prayers.  This 
school  may  inculcate  a  habit  of  obedience,  but  it  does  so 
at  the  expense  of  proper  mental  development. 

Economic  associations  are  represented  in  Block  X  by 
members  of  trades  unions  and  of  mutual-benefit  associa- 
tions. These  organizations  engage  the  interest  of  many 
men  that  no  longer  care  for  the  church.  The  type  of 
union  man  prevailing  in  this  group  is,  however,  one  re- 
quiring a  strong  incentive  to  any  kind  of  concerted  action. 
Only  in  the  face  of  great  distress  will  such  men  unite  in 
any  scheme.  A  minority,  such  as  is  found  in  house  201, 
is  of  a  different  sort  and  often  takes  part  in  meetings  that 
are  highly  deliberative.  Not  long  ago  one  of  these  men 
successfully  presided  over  the  meetings  of  an  important 
organization  during  the  most  stormy  part  of  its  existence. 

The  political  organizations  of  these  people  are  almost 
invariably  a  part  of  a  machine.  The  boss  of  the  district 
dictates  the  policy  of  the  majority.  The  minority,  not  thus 
enslaved,  is  composed  of  socialists,  so  controlled  by  their 
idea  as  not  to  brook  another  master,  and  of  a  few  other 
individuals  of  sufficient  intelligence  and  character  to  with- 
stand the  boss. 


CHAPTER  XI 
SOCIAL  WELFARE 

THE  natural  conclusion  of  this  study  is  an  account  of 
the  social  welfare.  The  social  well-being  of  a  people  is 
variously  interpreted.  Some  emphasize  economic  prosper- 
ity, and  form  their  opinion  according-  to  the  family  wealth; 
others  rate  the  community  by  its  allegiance  to  certain  re- 
ligious tenets;  and  others  according  to  the  general  morality 
and  education  of  the  group.  All  of  these  are  important  fac- 
tors of  the  social  welfare,  but  they  are  all  subordinate  to 
one  end,  namely,  the  development  of  personality.  In  this 
community,  where  residence  is  usually  so  brief,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  determine  individual  changes.  The  testimony  of 
those  that  have  known  this  street  for  many  years,  how- 
ever, points  to  a  distinct  improvement  within  the  last  ten 
years.  Street  fights  and  drunken  brawls  are  much  less  fre- 
quent than  formerly.  This  change  is  due  in  part  to  the  sub- 
stitution of  hard-working  Italians  and  industrious  Hebrews 
for  the  pugnacious  Irishmen  and  lager-loving  Germans  of 
the  "left-over"  class.  This  is  indicated  by  a  comparison  of 
this  population  with  a  similar  "  left-over "  class  in  other 
parts  of  the  city.  The  superiority  of  the  recent  immigrant 
to  the  "  left-over "  class  of  Americans  wherever  found 
leads  some  observers  to  maintain  that  the  immigrant  child 
is  inferior  to  his  parent.  While  this  may  be  true  of  those 
nationalities  that  have  come  from  healthful,  rural  condi- 
tions to  live  under  the  adverse  influences  of  tenement  life, 
it  is  not  generally  true,  and  the  impression  to  the  contrary 
377]  "I 


122         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [378 

is  obtained  from  a  comparison  of  the  immigrant,  laboring 
under  the  goad  of  fear  in  a  new  country,  with  a  class  that 
remains  after  the  best  of  its  kindred  have  been  sorted  out 
and  drawn  into  better  conditions.  If  this  is  not  true,  we 
must  admit  that  the  institutional  relations  into  which  the 
immigrant  enters  in  New  York  City  are  even  worse  than 
those  of  Europe. 

PUBLIC    UTILITIES 

A  discussion  of  public  utilities  includes  some  account  of 
the  institutional  relations  which  affect  the  social  welfare. 
First  of  these  are  the  conditions  of  life  in  a  tenement-house. 

Tenement-house  Life.  Much  has  been  said  of  late  about 
badly-constructed  tenements.  Though  the  actual  suffering 
and  discomfort  are  sometimes  exaggerated,  the  far-reach- 
ing effect  of  unsanitary  conditions  upon  tenement-dwellers 
is  never  over-stated.  The  establishment  of  a  public  de- 
partment for  the  supervision  of  the  construction  and  gen- 
eral condition  of  these  houses  is  one  of  the  most  important 
altruistic  movements  of  New  York  City. 

The  houses  under  consideration  have  not  the  usual  de- 
fects of  tenements,  for  the  reason  that  this  block  is  still 
open  at  the  rear.  It  is  also  relieved  by  the  breezes  which 
circulate  between  the  East  river  and  Central  Park,  only 
seven  blocks  apart.  Both  park  and  river  are  places  of 
recreation  to  which  the  people  can  escape  from  the  monot- 
ony and  darkness  of  their  homes.  In  spite  of  these  com- 
paratively favorable  conditions,  however,  the  vitality  of  the 
group  is  affected  by  cramped  quarters,  the  absence  of  ven- 
tilation, the  spread  of  contagious  diseases,  and  insufficient 
rest  and  recreation. 

Of  greater  significance  from  the  sociological  point  of 
view  is  the  herding  together  of  numbers  of  the  same  nation- 
ality. This  is  the  tendency  in  rural  districts  as  well,  but 


379]  SOCIAL  WELFARE 

there  the  herding  is  not  so  compact  and  the  clannish  spirit 
is  not  so  well  maintained.  Country  people  take  time  to 
acquaint  themselves  with  the  strangers  among  them,  pub- 
lic officials  have  more  patience,  the  scheming  politician  is 
more  easily  detected.  The  general  effect  of  tenement-house 
life,  under  these  conditions  of  ethnic  segregation,  is  to  re- 
tard the  assimilation  of  immigrants  to  American  ways  and 
to  expose  them  to  the  wiles  of  unprincipled  politicians  and 
tradesmen.  Crowded  together  into  adjacent  houses,  the 
necessity  and  the  wisdom  of  learning  the  English  language, 
and  their  rights  as  American  citizens,  dawn  upon  them 
very  slowly.  They  thus  become  the  prey  of  the  instalment 
dealer  and  of  every  shrewd  rascal  that  comes  along.  Their 
dependence  upon  leaders,  who  have  been  chosen  for  their 
knowledge  of  English  rather  than  for  their  integrity,  ren- 
ders them  the  pliant  tools  of  the  political  boss.  This  per- 
son is  often  the  only  man  of  influence  that  understands 
their  trials  and  is  willing  to  help  them.  The  average  Amer- 
ican knows  little  about  them.  To  him  they  are  a  mass  of 
people  that  occasionally  fight  with  stillettos,  always  break 
the  laws  of  the  American  Sunday,  and  sometimes  cast  the 
deciding  vote  in  municipal  elections. 

Peace  and  Order.  The  degree  of  security  and  justice 
enjoyed  by  the  population  of  this  city  block  is  in  striking 
contrast  with  that  observed  in  rural  districts.  The  disad- 
vantages of  these  people  have  partly  been  explained.  Juve- 
nile criminals  often  harass  the  children,  and  sometimes  prey 
upon  the  property  of  adults.  The  Irish  policeman,  whose 
beat  circumscribes  several  thousands  of  the  "  sneaking 
dagoes  "  and  of  the  despised  "  sheenys,"  has  little  time  to 
be  patient  with  them.  The  judge,  however  honest,  cannot 
well  understand  the  cases  brought  before  him,  and  injus- 
tice is  often  wrought.  This  largely  accounts  for  the  num- 
ber of  stilletto  fights  in  the  tenement  districts.  It  is  not 


124        SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [380 

to  be  inferred  from  these  remarks  that  these  evils  affect  a 
majority  of  the  people.  Only  a  very  small  minority  have 
any  occasion  to  refer  to  the  police  or  to  the  court. 

Economic  Welfare.  Relatively  to  their  economic  con- 
dition when  they  arrive  in  this  country,  these  families  are 
advancing  rapidly,  though  often  only  by  tremendous  strug- 
gles and  great  sacrifices  of  home  life  and  family  affection. 
As  they  leave  Ellis  Island  and  set  forth  for  the  crowded 
district  of  their  own  people  their  possessions  can  almost  be 
tied  up  in  a  big  bandanna  or  two.  Under  the  direction  of 
a  friend  or  relative  they  find  opportunity  to  work — the  Jew 
in  a  clothing  or  cigar  factory,  the  Italian  in  a  cigar  fac- 
tory or  to  labor  with  the  "  shubble."  It  is  impossible  to 
obtain  exact  statistics  as  to  wages.  The  common  daily 
wage  of  the  men  and  women  of  this  district  averaged  a 
dollar  and  a  half,  and  the  weekly  wage  nine  to  twelve  dol- 
lars. The  Jews  obtain  higher  wages  than  the  Italians. 
Their  ability  and  foresight  enable  them  to  earn  more 
money  by  a  given  expenditure  of  effort  than  any  other 
people.  Comparatively  few  of  their  children  go  out  to 
work.  It  is  quite  otherwise  in  the  Italian  families.  They 
are  as  thrifty  and  as  frugal,  but  they  have  not  the  ability 
of  the  Jews.  They  are,  consequently,  almost  compelled  to 
send  every  one  to  work  who  can  possibly  add  a  few  pen- 
nies to  the  family  income.  This  necessity  has  often  caused 
Italian  families  to  cooperate  in  the  housekeeping,  leaving 
an  old  grandmother  at  home  to  look  after  the  younger  chil- 
dren of  two  families,  A  very  much  larger  proportion  of 
Italian  women  and  children  go  out  to  work  than  of  any 
other  nationality.  They  are  nearer  the  economic  margin 
than  any  other  people.  It  is  only  by  the  most  strenuous 
efforts  that  many  of  them  are  able  to  live  in  any  degree  of 
comfort;  but  they  are  not  averse  to  work  of  any  kind,  and 
therefore  they  usually  get  on. 


381]  SOCIAL  WELFARE 

Culture.  The  education  of  the  adults  of  this  commun- 
ity is  limited.  Only  a  small  minority  of  the  parents  can 
read  English  and  but  a  small  majority  of  them  can  read 
their  own  language.  The  young  people  almost  without  ex- 
ception read  and  write  English.  The  native-born  have 
usually  attended  the  elementary  grades  of  the  public  schools 
and-  a  few  of  them  hold  diplomas  of  graduation  from 
grammar  schools.  In  the  acquirement  of  education  the 
Jews  excel.  Their  desire  for  education  is  almost  a  pas- 
sion. The  success  of  the  public  schools  in  disseminating 
knowledge  among  the  younger  generation  is  remarkable. 
The  free-lecture  system  extends  the  benefit  of  the  school 
system  to  the  adults,  and  the  night  schools  make  it  pos- 
sible for  the  working  boys  and  girls  to  continue  their  edu- 
cation even  through  the  high  school  courses. 

Next  to  the  schools  in  influence  ranks  the  newspaper. 
The  Journal  or  the  World  enters  every  home  in  which 
there  is  an  adult  who  can  read  English,  and  the  foreign 
editions  enter  the  other  homes.  The  general  effect  of 
school  and  newspaper  is  to  dispel  many  illusions  and  super- 
stitions that  have  been  brought  over  in  the  folklore  of 
Europe,  to  acquaint  the  people  with  the  resources  and  man- 
ners of  this  country,  and  to  enable  them  to  use  their  ener- 
gies and  possessions  to  better  advantage. 

SOCIAL    PERSONALITY 

The  personal  characteristics,  already  discussed  in  the 
analysis  of  the  Social  Mind,  are  reviewed  here  in  their  re- 
lation to  the  social  welfare  of  the  community. 

Vitality.  It  is  evident  from  the  description  of  tenement- 
house  life  and  from  the  density  of  the  population  in  this 
district  that  conditions  are  not  favorable  to  high  vitality. 
As  compared  with  rural  people,  these  are  pale  and  thin. 
The  improvement  which  two  weeks  of  country  air  and  rest 


126         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [382 

work  in  the  appearance  of  the  children  is  an  indication  of 
the  disadvantages  under  which  they  live.  While  the  num- 
ber of  vigorous  and  healthy  young  men  is  surprising,  the 
proportion  of  such  is  far  below  that  of  the  better  parts  of 
the  city,  and  still  smaller  than  in  rural  communities. 

In  addition  to  general  causes  of  physical  inferiority  in 
this  block  there  are  contributing  causes  that  affect  only 
certain  nationalities.  The  Italians  suffer  from  the  complete 
change  of  habit  to  which  they  are  subjected  in  America. 
The  vegetable  diet,  to  which  they  are  accustomed  in  Italy, 
does  not  fit  them  for  arduous  labor  and  severe  climatic 
changes.  Their  inability  to  succeed  in  commercial  under- 
takings and  their  immediate  needs  compel  them  to  engage 
in  work  that  calls  for  the  strength  of  much  heavier  men. 
They  exhaust  themselves,  and  their  energy  is  often  com- 
pletely drained  by  carrying  heavy  burdens.  The  Irishmen 
and  the  Germans,  on  the  other  hand,  are  adapted  to  hard 
manual  labor,  and  in  consequence  they  prosper  and  in- 
crease in  energy  with  their  toil. 

The  Jewish  people  are  in  strange  contrast  to  all  the 
others.  Their  vitality  seems  great,  but  their  physical 
measurements  are  below  the  normal.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
their  vitality  is  not  so  great  as  it  seems.  The  low  rate  of 
mortality  among  them  is  due  to  care  in  the  selection  of 
occupation  and  to  foresight  in  all  the  affairs  of  life.  The 
deficiency  in  physical  measurements  is  a  more  accurate 
index  of  their  condition  than  the  mortality  statistics,  as  a 
close  acquaintance  with  the  people  proves.  Neither  their 
occupations  nor  their  pleasures  tend  to  increase  their 
physical  vitality.  While  so  many  of  the  Italians  are  over- 
come by  the  severity  of  their  physical  exertions,  the  Jews 
are  weakened  by  the  sedentary  character  of  their  occupa- 
tions. Their  favorite  pleasures,  as  we  have  seen,  are  usually 
of  the  passive  and  emotional  kinds,  such  as  theatre-going, 


383]  SOCIAL  WELFARE 

dancing,  banquets,  and  the  passive  observation  of  athletic 
games.  In  this  respect  they  are  in  contrast  to  Americans, 
Irish,  and  even  Italians,  who  take  delight  in  active  partici- 
pation in  physical  sport. 

Mentality.  In  mental  ability  the  Jewish  people  are 
easily  first  in  this  community.  Their  experience  in  busi- 
ness sharpens  the  intellect  and  develops  shrewdness.  While 
many  of  the  adults  cannot  read  or  write,  their  questions 
and  their  understanding  of  affairs  in  general  indicate  in- 
telligence. The  younger  people  are  not  only  most  eager 
for  education,  but  even  in  their  recreations  they  tend  to- 
ward intellectual  activity,  debating  clubs  and  literary  soci- 
eties being  preferred  by  them  to  bowling-alleys  and  gym- 
nasiums. 

While  the  Italians  are  not  mentally  dull,  they  are  lack- 
ing in  power  of  attention  and  in  concentration.  They  are 
quick  to  observe  superficial  relations,  but  they  will  not 
often  go  far  enough  to  learn  the  deeper  significance  of  facts. 
Their  attention  wanders  and  vacillates.  This  is  true  of  all 
tenement  people,  but  not  generally  to  the  extent  that  it  is 
of  the  Italians.  The  Irish  mind  lacks  power  of  attention, 
but  it  has  a  brilliancy  which  is  rarely  found  in  the  Italian. 
The  redeeming  feature  of  the  Italian  mind,  however,  is  its 
vivacity. 

Morality.  There  are  not  over  six  families  in  this  group 
of  212  which  would  be  considered  immoral,  either  by  a 
rural  community  or  by  a  tenement  group.  The  standard 
of  morality  is  not  high,  but  it  is  good  in  view  of  the  pre- 
vailing conditions  of  life  in  crowded  districts  and  the  ex- 
posure to  temptations  of  all  kinds.  These  hard-working 
people  have  not  time  to  be  immoral.  The  Italians  rise  early 
in  the  morning,  work  hard  all  day,  and  go  to  bed  early  at 
night.  The  Jews  here  are  unmolested  by  the  depraved 
parasitical  creatures  that  are  to  be  found  in  some  parts  of 


I28         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK.       [384 

the  lower  East  Side.  The  disturbing  elements  are  usually 
the  "  left-over  "  Irish,  who  sometimes  indulge  in  gay  car- 
nivals with  the  beer-bucket  and  the  whiskey-bottle.  In  the 
absence  of  a  long-standing  community  spirit,  public  opinion 
is  not  an  effective  means  of  control  and  rectitude  is  main- 
tained chiefly  by  unconscious  habit.  Knowledge  of  gen- 
eral affairs  is  too  limited  to  awaken  a  social  conscience,  and 
the  besetting  weakness  of  these  people  is  their  inability  to 
carry  out  good  intentions. 

Sociality.  The  degree  and  kind  of  sociality  differ  with 
each  nationality.  The  Italians  are  overflowing  with  sym- 
pathy. They  are  quick  to  cooperate  in  helpful  movements. 
They  have  a  strong  social  instinct,  and  unconsciously  de- 
vote themselves  to  the  support  of  the  socially  good  and  to 
the  condemnation  of  the  bad.  In  order  to  further  the  com- 
mon good  they  .are  willing  to  lay  aside  their  own  interests. 
The  Irish  are  like  the  Italians  in  possessing  a  strong  social 
instinct.  With  this  they  combine  strength  of  will  and  self- 
assertion,  qualities  which  make  them  the  natural  leaders  of 
the  masses. 

The  Jews  are  the  individualistic  element  of  the  com- 
munity. In  their  social  efforts  they  seem  to  be  conscious 
only  of  themselves.  They  are  often  deficient  in  social  in- 
stinct ;  they  do  not  always  see  the  necessity  of  "  give  and 
take"  in  association.  They  take  pleasure  in  companion- 
ship, but  the  bond  of  sympathy  is  not  sufficiently  strong  to 
hold  them  together  except  for  pleasure  or  gain. 

The  truly  social  man  instinctively  reseats  an  infringe- 
ment of  proper  social  relations  even  though  it  be  at  a  great 
personal  cost.  His  social  pride  does  not  permit  him  to  let 
the  act  pass  unnoticed.  The  inclination  of  the  Irishman 
and  of  the  Italian  to  fight  on  the  least  provocation  is  not 
entirely  due  to  a  combative  nature.  In  part  it  springs  from 
a  strong  social  instinct,  which  feels  wrong  keenly,  and 


385]  SOCIAL  WELFARE  I2g 

would  feel  the  social  reproach  more  keenly,  if  he  were  not 
man  enough  to  resent  imposition.  A  less  social  being  would 
rather  suffer  a  slight  inconvenience  and  let  social  reproach 
be  heaped  upon  his  head,  to  save  himself  further  trouble, 
reasoning  that  it  is  not  wise  to  "  cut  off  your  nose  to  spite 
your  face."  Notwithstanding  the  seeming  irritability  of 
the  Irishman  and  of  the  Italian,  this  willingness  on  their 
part  to  defend  the  social  order  at  personal  cost  is  creative 
of  social  bonds. 

THE   INTERACTION    OF    SOCIETY   AND    PERSONALITY 

Reaction  of  Personality  on  Institutions.  A  consequence 
of  the  ignorance  and  dependence  of  these  immigrant  people 
is,  naturally,  the  development  of  the  machine  system  in 
politics  with  a  boss  to  dictate  policy.  A  dictator  seems  to 
be  necessary  to  every  successful  organization  on  the  upper 
East  Side.  The  vacillating  disposition  of  the  Italians  gives 
an  uncertain  character  to  the  societies  that  they  form.  They 
act  in  an  impulsive  manner,  alternately  praising  and  con- 
demning, with  little  show  of  deliberation.  The  individual- 
istic character  of  the  Jew  is  distinctly  reflected  in  his  organ- 
izations. They  are  not  large;  leadership  is  not  strongly 
emphasized;  argument,  discussion  and  disagreement  are 
matters  of  course.  The  Irish,  with  their  qualities  of  leader- 
ship and  their  strong  social  instincts,  form  societies  in 
which  "  the  machine  system  "  is  always  to  be  observed. 

The  dependence  and  the  ignorance  of  these  people  fur- 
thermore preclude  much  influence  upon  the  institutions  to 
which  they  belong.  They  are  pliable  material  to  be  used 
for  much  harm  or  for  much  good  according  to  the  nature 
of  the  institution.  The  most  noteworthy  effect  of  a  com- 
munity of  this  kind  upon  American  life  in  general  is  its 
infusion  into  that  life  of  foreign  ideas  and  manners,  and 
its  tendency  thereby  to  modify  Anglo-Saxon  habits. 


130         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [386 

Reaction  of  Institutions  on  Personality.  The  hope  of 
developing  an  American  type  in  this  community  lies  almost 
entirely  in  American  institutions. 

The  organizations  formed  by  the  people  themselves,  for 
their  own  purposes,  usually  perpetuate  some  foreign  cus- 
tom. The  effect  of  the  housing  in  tenements  has  been  de- 
scribed as  developing  sameness  and  mediocrity.  In  the  in- 
dustrial realm  the  strict  limitation  to  one  branch  of  a  trade, 
with  no  opportunity  for  recreation,  tends  to  an  abnormal 
development  in  one  direction.  A  large  majority  are  indif- 
ferent to  political  rights.  Civic  rights  are  usually  realized 
only  when  the  political  boss  appeals  to  them  in  some  per- 
sonal way  and  makes  them  blind  adherents  to  his  party. 
Thus  political  institutions  and  privileges,  which  should 
awaken  patriotism,  independence,  and  the  best  impulses  of 
human  nature,  cultivate  the  mean  and  the  sordid.  Direct 
contact  with  municipal  departments  is  fortunately  limited 
to  a  minority  of  these  people,  for  the  influence  is  not  usually 
good.  The  effect  of  domineering  and  despotic  officials  upon 
ignorant  people  is  the  destruction  of  independence  and  the 
increase  of  fear.  Their  spontaneity  and  originality  are  seri- 
ously checked  by  hasty  and  thoughtless  interference  with 
their  activities.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  uplifting  and 
assimilating  work  must  be  done  chiefly  by  agencies  created 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  bettering  the  neighborhood. 
The  most  effective  of  these  agencies  are  the  public  schools, 
the  churches  and  the  settlements. 

Public  Schools.  The  wonderful  work  of  the  schools  in 
assimilating  the  foreign  population  has  been  mentioned  in 
a  previous  chapter.  Here  the  youth  learns  something  of 
American  history  and  the  cost  of  the  privileges  which  he 
now  enjoys.  He  acquires  the  elements  of  knowledge  neces- 
sary to  transact  business.  And  the  teacher  unconsciously 
imparts  some  of  his  own  characteristics  to  the  child.  If 


387]  SOCIAL  WELFARE  !3I 

he  is  of  the  vigorous  American  type  the  child  acquires  all 
the  more  of  the  American  disposition.  But  there  is  little 
conscious  effort  to  develop  the  ideal  American  or  Anglo- 
Saxon  character,  for  the  teachers  have  not  analyzed  it. 
Furthermore,  public  school  teachers  are  so  occupied  with 
their  schedule  duties  that  they  have  little  time  to  study 
individual  defects  in  the  personality  of  the  children.  Con- 
sequently, such  extreme  types  as  the  Jews  and  the  Italians 
are  educated  in  an  almost  identical  manner.  The  nervous, 
flitting,  uncertain  little  Italian  receives  the  same  treatment 
as  the  steady,  persevering,  plodding  little  Jew.  The  re- 
ceptivity of  the  latter  in  intellectual  affairs  is  taken  as  an 
index  of  the  course  that  he  needs.  His  individualism  is 
given  as  much  opportunity  as  the  interests  of  the  school 
will  permit,  and  often  more.  His  apathy  toward  physical 
development  is  disregarded.  Thus  the  characteristics  which 
are  already  too  prominent  are  still  further  cultivated. 

Churches.  The  influence  of  the  churches  in  this  com- 
munity is  exceedingly  small.  That  which  they  do  exert  is 
largely  in  the  direction  of  the  natural  tendency  of  the 
people.  Churches  usually  devote  themselves  to  their  propa- 
ganda, regardless  of  personal  qualities,  except  in  so  far  as 
they  strive  to  correct  the  more  obvious  moral  faults  in  the 
domestic  relations.  The  institutional  church  will  be  con- 
sidered in  connection  with  settlements. 

There  remains  an  immense  work  for  the  church  to  do. 
This  can  be  accomplished  by  efforts  along  two  lines.  First, 
the  minister  should  acquaint  himself  with  the  physical  state 
and  the  personal  characteristics  of  his  people,  and  should 
strive  to  elevate  them  in  these  respects.  His  sermons  should 
be  directed  upon  their  immediate  needs  and  defects.  What 
has  been  said  of  the  inability  of  the  school  teacher  to  un- 
derstand the  departure  of  an  individual  from  the  American 
type  applies  equally  to  the  preacher.  He  does  little  to  en- 


1 32         SOCIOLOGY  OF  A  NEW  YORK  CITY  BLOCK       [388 

lighten  his  people  as  to  the  characteristics  of  an  ideal  citi- 
zen. Secondly,  the  church  should  take  more  energetic 
measures  to  lessen  the  worship  of  the  materialistic  and  to 
exalt  the  spiritual  element  in  life.  The  narrow  existence 
of  the  tenement-dweller  and  his  severe  struggle  for  advance- 
ment shut  out  his  view  of  the  aesthetic  and  the  spiritual. 

Settlements.  Of  the  institutions  at  present  exerting  in- 
fluence upon  tenement  peoples,  social  settlements  and  kin- 
dred institutions  seem  to  be  the  best  adapted  to  promote 
the  social  welfare.  Almost  all  other  organizations  fail  to 
take  into  account  the  needs  of  the  district.  The  settlement 
is  perfectly  free  to  follow  the  course  that  a  study  of  the 
neighborhood  indicates  to  be  wise.  Settlement-workers  are 
supposed  to  dwell  in  a  neighborhood,  to  protect  it  from  in- 
justice, to  form  an  environment  conducive  to  the  highest 
development  of  the  individual,  and  to  cultivate  the  elements 
of  character  and  disposition  necessary  to  the  complex  Amer- 
ican type.  But  there  are  few,  if  any,  settlements  that  fill 
the  requirements  of  this  conception.  Many  of  them  are 
conducted  by  kind-hearted  people  whose  primary  aim  seems 
to  be  to  make  people  comfortable,  regardless  of  any  per- 
manent effect  upon  individual  character.  A  few  settlements 
devote  themselves  to  efforts  to  remedy  the  injustice  to 
which  tenement  districts  are  subjected  at  the  hands  of  un- 
scrupulous merchants  and  unprincipled  city  officials.  Others 
endeavor  to  give  the  individual  an  opportunity  to  cultivate 
his  better  self.  There  is  a  tendency  of  settlements  also,  as 
of  other  institutions,  toward  inflexibility.  Settlement  organ- 
izers often  adopt  the  methods  of  other  institutions  rather  than 
adapt  themselves  to  the  conditions  discovered  in  their  neigh- 
borhood. Certain  activities,  as  those  of  the  kindergarten, 
the  library,  clubs,  and  penny-provident  banks,  are  thought 
essential  to  all.  The  method  of  conducting  these  activities 
and  the  selection  of  other  lines  of  work  is  left  to  the  whim 


389]  SOCIAL  WELFARE 

of  the  manager  or  managers.  Very  few  of  the  activities 
reveal  a  consideration  of  the  character  of  the  individuals 
making  up  the  community.  The  original  conception  of  the 
settlement,  as  a  ministration  to  the  poor  and  to  the  needy 
both  in  body  and  in  soul,  does  not  permit  so  wide  a  de- 
parture from  the  methods  of  work  that  are  adapted  to  the 
tenement-house  community. 

Workers  that  have  not  studied  the  economic  and  social 
situation  are  controlled  by  quick  sympathy.  They  are  in- 
fluenced by  immediate  distress  and  are  content  if  they  re- 
lieve it.  They  yield  to  a  constant  temptation  to  adopt 
palliative  measures  rather  than  remedial,  because  the  re- 
sults of  palliative  efforts  are  more  evident,  the  people  are 
better  pleased,  and  the  patrons  are  more  favorably  im- 
pressed. But  the  student,  looking  beneath  the  surface,  seeks 
to  put  in  motion  the  more  indirect  forces  that  tend  to 
better  general  conditions. 

Settlement  work,  as  conducted  to-day,  even  at  its  best, 
fails  to  perform  an  important  function.  Its  defense  of 
oppressed  neighborhoods  in  civic  affairs  is  good;  its  estab- 
lishment of  a  centre  of  friendly  influence  in  dependent  com- 
munities is  of  great  advantage  to  society  at  large;  its  culti- 
vation of  the  good  and  the  beautiful  in  dark  and  unpleasant 
districts  is  worthy  of  all  praise.  Yet  its  duty  to  the  com- 
munity is  not  complete  until  it  studies  the  prevailing  traits 
of  mind  and  of  character  and  then  establishes  the  activities 
necessary  to  the  transformation  of  the  individual  to  the 
American  type.  In  the  community  under  consideration 
there  is  great  need  of  this  assimilating  process.  Every  pos- 
sible agency  should  be  used  to  change  the  numerous  for- 
eign types  into  the  Anglo-Saxon  ideal.  The  impulsiveness 
of  the  Italian  must  be  curbed.  The  extreme  individualism 
of  the  Jew  must  be  modified.  The  shiftlessness  of  the  Irish 
must  give  way  to  perseverance  and  frugality.  And  all  must 
be  shown  the  value  of  the  spiritual  in  life. 


U  111  V  v/l  v- 

Soul 
Lib 


